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This chapter examines the founding of Chosŏn Korea in 1392 in relation to Ming China, offering an understanding of how the tribute system worked at times of conflicting interests between China and its neighboring powers.
Chapter 4 links analyses of social property relations to scholarship on the social origins of the diplomatic corps and the aristocratisation of ambassadors from the late-seventeenth century. It presents the debates in diplomatic theory and history regarding the social origins or functions of actors regarded as necessary or ideal to fulfil diplomatic duties. The chapter argues that the aristocratisation of ambassadors led by France and Castile can be understood as a jurisdictional strategy of collaboration between noble classes and sovereigns to sustain an 'old regime' Europe. The typology of jurisdictional accumulation can be used to contrast French and Castilian strategies of ambassadorial recruitment as transplants of authority, with English and Dutch counterpart strategies as transports. Transplants mark the former’s more embodied and organic reliance on the prestige of the person of the ambassador, whereas the latter favoured the potential utility and political requirements of their more merchant-based imperial agents in shaping the social diversity of their ambassadorial corps, and therefore can be identified through the more functional concept of transports.
Chapter 1 problematises the classic history of diplomacy in relation to extraterritoriality and presents the key debates in IR and international law to which this study contributes. This chapter further shows that classic diplomatic history's focus on embassies and Grotius to historicise extraterritoriality has contributed to the Westphalian imaginaries that remain dominant and maintain linear trajectories of the shift from personal to territorial concepts of sovereignty. If a range of new studies, focused on biographical and cultural aspects of diplomacy, are also contesting this approach and account of early modern jurisdiction, they nevertheless remain limited in terms of not fundamentally questioning the link between extraterritorial and territorial sovereignty based on the analysis of ambassadorial immunity and the shift from the personal – the ambassador – to the territorial – the embassy. These limitations call for new approaches to the history of extraterritoriality.
The aim of this article is to examine whether and how diplomacy may be gendered, symbolically and rhetorically, using US representations of diplomacy as a case. Prior scholarship on gender and contemporary diplomacy is sparse but has shown that the symbolic figure of ‘the diplomat’ has come to overlap tightly with ‘man’ and be associated with traits often attributed to masculinity. Inspired by queer international relations methods, relying on the concept of ‘figuration’ and focused on US news media and biographies of diplomats from the past decade, this article uncovers and examines a palette of feminised figurations also at play in US representations of diplomacy, including the diplomat as ‘the “soft” non-fighter’, ‘the relationship builder’, ‘the gossip’, ‘the cookie-pusher’, and ‘the fancy Frenchman’. These feminised figurations alternate between configuring the diplomat as a woman and – more commonly – a (feminised) man. The analysis complicates rather than displaces existing claims, highlighting the importance of attention to slippages and challenges to dominant masculinised subject positions.
To document my claim that ethical policies are more successful, I offer case studies of the Marshall Plan, China’s border settlements with most of its neighbors, and Germany’s rapprochement with its neighbors. I analyze the general principles behind these successes and their broader implications for foreign policy.
Defence diplomacy represents a notable paradox. On the one hand, it is a cooperative activity to build strategic and moralistic trust between states and thus positively shape the environment in which foreign policy is made. On the other hand, defence diplomacy also involves competition and demonstrations of military power, which may contravene its goal of building moralistic trust and undermine confidence between states. This article deals with the latter competitive realpolitik elements of defence diplomacy in terms of secrecy, swaggering, and shows of force that have largely been ignored in the literature. Building on a theoretical discussion of whether defence diplomacy works, the case of peacekeeping in Southeast Asia is analysed to illustrate how defence diplomatic activities produce effects contrary to their stated aims.
Chapter 1 invites readers to think more carefully about paper as a technology. It begins with a brief investigation of the history of paper as a technological innovation, of its travel to the West and of its introduction to England. It then considers the story of paper entangled with other goods, like wool and other luxury items, such as spices. It tells a story of ingenuity, cultural contacts and convenience, and considers how investments in the making of paper are pivotal to the success of the craft itself. It reconstructs the social circumstances of the arrival of paper in England and its reception there. Instead of arguing for the revolutionary impact of paper or for scepticism about its adoption, this chapter argues for the acceptance of it within a complex set of transnational diplomatic and mercantile connections.
This chapter examines the Vatican’s decision in 1939 to end its opposition to Chinese Catholic participation in Chinese rites, a position it had held since 1704. The historiography has traditionally interpreted the end of the Chinese rites as a progressive move by the Vatican to support calls for indigenization in China. Focusing on the career of Celso Costantini, the first apostolic delegate to China, this chapter argues that the decision to end the Chinese rites controversy must be understood as part of the Vatican’s geopolitical strategy to expand its influence in China. Revising its position on Chinese rites was a way to curry favor with the Chinese Nationalists; it also belonged to the Vatican’s anti-Communist outlook. This chapter argues that the end of the Chinese rites controversy must be read and understood within the context of the moment when the Catholic Church was also reconceptualizing its relationship to human rights.
In 2021, Brazilian scientific research in Antarctica will reach its 40 anniversary, and in that period it has experienced good and bad times. How has Brazilian scientific research evolved since its first scientific mission to Antarctica? What were the conditions that enabled this research? How will Brazilian researchers work in the brand-new scientific station? Using an interdisciplinary approach, this article identifies tipping points and the national policy network that led to unstable funding policies. This article highlights four phases of Brazilian Antarctic science and states that there is a clear disconnect between the geopolitical and scientific priorities on one side and the political priorities, including the executive and the legislative powers, on the other.
One likely effect of the COVID-19 pandemic will be an increased focus on health diplomacy, a topic that has rarely been taken up by international relations scholars. After reviewing existing literature on health diplomacy, I argue for the utility of distinguishing states’ aims from their practices of health diplomacy in advancing our understanding of when states engage in health diplomacy with a bilateral, regional, or global scope. The recent history of twenty-first century infectious disease outbreaks suggests a possible move away from health diplomacy with global participation. COVID-19 provides numerous examples, from widespread criticism of the World Health Organization to increased bilateral health aid and the creation of a regional vaccine initiative. As pandemics become more frequent, however, more localized health diplomacy is likely to be less effective, given the necessity of global mitigation and containment.
Trump’s personal relationships with Middle Eastern leaders have disrupted the long-standing bureaucracy and image of American public diplomacy, especially as new policies hinge on Trump’s tweets about his personal feelings. This chapter reads Trump’s positionality vis-à-vis Middle Eastern politics through the lens of stance-taking, which structures relationships, ideologies, and identities. One of the striking dimensions of Trump’s stances with respect to the Middle East is the way he indexes Arab and Muslim hierarchies. By aligning with rich Arab Gulf states and dis-aligning with the larger majority of Muslims and Arabs, Trump produces a cluster of simplified binary stances evaluating “good/rich” and “bad/poor” Arabs and Muslims. Saudi royalty are friendly billionaires; al-Sisi of Egypt and Netanyahu of Israel are his partners in fighting Islamic terrorism; and the rest of Arabs and Muslims represent either radical Islamic threats or uncivilized refugees. Trumpian speeches about “rich Arabs” buying American arms and goods and the total absence of “other Arabs” (ordinary people in non-wealthy, but also Arab countries) are consistent with his overall diplomatic and economic view of “America First,” which speaks largely to an internal American base and is not only unconcerned with other cultures, but also callous to refugees and immigrants.
The chapter identifies three dynamics that were at play in providing a space for the Anti-Personnel Landmines Convention (APLM) to emerge: the inadequacy of Protocol II to the Convention on Conventional Weapons which had been agreed in 1980; the development of a broad partnership between the Non Aligned states and some European middle powers; and the reemergence of a humanitarian sensibility generally with the ending of the Cold War. The lead up to the treaty is explained and a detailed analysis of the humanitarian credentials of the APLM Convention is provided, with a focus on four aspects of the treaty: the way the treaty challenged existing disarmament negotiating paradigms; the increased transparency of disarmament diplomacy because of the greater presence and engagement by civil society; the way verification was led civil society post-EIF; and the attention to victim assistance. The final part of the chapter sets out some broader reflections on the extent to which the APLM Convention can be considered to be ‘humanitarian disarmament perfected’.
Public health in China has become a global concern as a consequence of the outbreak and worldwide spread of COVID-19. This article examines the historical place of China in international and global health. Contrary to prevalent narratives in the history of medicine, China and Chinese historical actors played key roles in this field throughout the twentieth century. Several episodes illustrate this argument: the Qing organization of the International Plague Conference in 1911; the role of China in the work of the interwar League of Nations Health Organization and postwar establishment of the World Health Organization; Cold War medical diplomacy; and Chinese models of primary health care during the 1970s. These case studies together show that Chinese physicians and administrators helped shape concepts and practices of “global health” even before that term rose to prominence in the 1990s, and current events are best understood in the context of this history.
In March 2020, Prime Minister Abe Shinzō, the Tokyo Olympic Organising Committee, and the International Olympic Committee postponed the 2020 Tokyo Olympics for one year. The delay is the most prominent consequence of the COVID-19 crisis in Japan thus far. But the “Corona Calamity” (korona ka) is bigger than the Olympics. The totality of the disaster is impossible to capture. The very thing that makes it a calamity are the myriad rhythms of crisis that intersect at COVID-19. If there is a shared theme to be found in these rhythms, it is the question of recovery. When will it happen? What will it look like? And what, exactly, will we recover? In what follows, I share three rhythms of crisis and recovery: national history, the tourism industry, and the parcel delivery industry.
Between 1958 and 1961, Jerome Robbins's Ballets: U.S.A. company toured to European arts festivals with a repertory of new and existing works, most of which remain in performance more than six decades later. Cold War political and artistic imperatives intersected in choreography that circulated visions of “American” innovation and youthful vitality, danced to an eclectic range of scores by a mixed-race cast. Archival documentation of the funding process reveals discussions about aesthetic priorities and the choreographer's responsibility to the US government. Analysis of press coverage of the performances also considers the extent to which diplomatic objectives were achieved.
This chapter argues that the emergence of what we recognize as the modern international system develops through evolving practices of diplomacy. IR literature has increasingly paid attention to the early modern development of diplomacy to understand the origins of the system. This chapter offers a distinct interpretation of the importance of diplomacy from the perspective of the closure thesis. In contrast to the typical account of diplomacy as mediating the political fractures that resulted from the breakdown of Christendom, it argues that the adoption and diffusion of specific diplomatic practices, such as the permanent resident ambassador, facilitated closure and boundary-drawing by narrowing the types of actors invested with rights of political representation. Diplomatic practices emerged in part as a means of producing common goods and securing privileged access to those goods for some political actors, while facilitating the political exclusion and subordination of others. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the argument’s contemporary relevance. In reflecting on an historical age in which the sovereign state was not yet the only legitimate political agent, the contemporary question is whether today’s legal and representational rights at the global level can or should be emancipated from the state.
This chapter examines the formation of a new anti-impunity Transnational Legal Order (TLO), its institutionalization, and its consequences. Socio-legal scholarship and recent research on responses to the mass violence unfolding in the Darfur region of Sudan, beginning in 2003, provide insights into strengths and limits of the new anti-impunity TLO. Based on a comparative eight-country study, involving in depth interviews in four social fields (human rights, diplomacy, humanitarian aid, media) and an analysis of 3,387 media reports, I review judicial steps taken on Darfur, conditions supporting them, and their consequences, interpreting them in terms of the transnational legal ordering approach. The case of Darfur shows the anti-impunity TLO at work, displaying it as a force that delegitimizes mass violence. Yet, it also shows impediments to institutionalization in the form of hostile state actors, fields with potentially competing agendas, including diplomacy and humanitarian aid, internal contradictions, and lack of enforcement power. Nation-level forces filter cultural effects of intervention, resulting in diminished concordance between the international and the global realms and across nation states.
This chapter clarifies the nature of interstate relations and challenges the claims that the Chinese tributary system could not adjust to the Westphalian system. The alleged incompatibility between East Asian conceptions of international order and the Westphalian system is overstated. This chapter surveys arguments that intellectual stagnation and a myopic worldview caused Chinese decline and eventual collapse. Instead, it is argued that China engaged in intellectual adjustment to meet the global pressures caused by the imperial colonial powers. This adjustment and change in the collective imagination also carried over into the political realm.
Czechoslovak ‘people's democracy’ supplied a model for the development of a South African notion of a ‘national democratic’ revolution as well as providing key skills and resources. Czechoslovak support for this project in the 1960s and 1970s was both a source of confidence and fragility for South African Communists, boosting morale but confirming their subordinate status in their partnership with African nationalism. Drawing upon Czech archival materials as well as memoirs and interviews, this paper explores encounters and connections between South African Communists and the Czechs against the backdrop of the broader strategic concerns that shaped Soviet and Eastern European support for South African liberatory politics.
Chapter 5 explores the early spread of vaccination in continental Europe. If news of Jenner’s discovery quickly spread abroad, the delivery of vaccine in a viable state proved a major challenge. Diplomatic and medical networks explain its early arrival in Germany and Austria. From 1799, Dr De Carro made Vienna a major centre for the spread of the practice, with the samples sent to Lord Elgin in Istanbul seeding the practice in Greece. The British military build-up in the Mediterranean opened new channels for the dissemination of English cowpox. By vaccinating sailors aboard ship, Drs Marshall and Walker brought fresh vaccine to Gibraltar and Malta and Marshall established vaccination in Sicily and southern Italy early in 1801. Dr Sacco’s discovery of a local source of cowpox in cattle in Lombardy in late 1800 led to important trials and, over the following decade, an impressive vaccination programme in northern Italy. In the interstices of war in Europe, the practice developed as an international enterprise with several important new hubs.