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This chapter studies the growing phenomenon of transnational co-operation between and among cities in Europe. This co-operation is driven by other actors than state-level actors, is (or at least claims to be) closer to the citizens, and is based on specific challenges facing cities in different countries. Central to the development is an increased legal and political role for the city transnationally. At a time with multiple challenges to solidarity, the aim is to assess whether co-operation initiatives between and among cities in Europe could be a means through which to create or contribute towards a European transnational solidarity. The focus is on cities within the territorial space of the EU. That being said, the phenomenon of intercity co-operation is by no means confined to Europe (or to the [EU]) and we therefore include prominent global initiatives in which European cities participate at the end of the chapter. The chapter has a special focus on the internal lack of solidarity between cosmopolitan big cities and small towns/rural areas, which seems to be a new trend in many countries, at the same time as we see transnational city solidarity appearing across borders.
An influential interpretation of Kant’s Doctrine of Right suggests that the relationship between public right and freedom is constitutive rather than instrumental. The focus has been on domestic right and members’ relations to their own state. This has resulted in a statist bias which has not adequately dealt with the fact that Kant regards public right as a system composed of three levels – domestic, international and cosmopolitan right. This article suggests that the constitutive relationship is between all levels of right, on the one hand, and ‘freedom in the external relation’ of all human beings, on the other hand.
Werner Delanoy explores different definitions of culture both in their historical context and with regard to future developments in intercultural communication. As an advocate of a dialogic approach, the author argues in favour of non-essentialist and power-critical perspectives in line with a (post-)humanistic and cosmopolitan agenda.
In this chapter, the perspective shifts to the travelers, traders, sailors, soldiers, merchants, and missionaries whom quarantine detained. It begins with an analysis of the demographics of Mediterranean quarantine. It then considers incidents of suspicious deaths in the lazaretto, ghostly experiences that frightened travelers, and the routines developed by those in quarantine to ward off boredom. The chapter also investigates sanitary crimes, including attempted escapes, smuggling, and entrance into prohibited spaces. By combining administrative records, travel accounts, private letters, and diaries, and through the use of evidence from numerous quarantine stations, the chapter presents an original comprehensive analysis of the experience of quarantine in the modern era.
This article analyses the rise of populism and its discursive challenge to global constitutionalism (GC). It shows that populist contestation is more ambivalent than often suggested: its challenge depends on the populist variety and can both undermine or support liberal principles of GC. Building on the ideational approach to populism and a framework of transnational politicisation, a proposed typology identifies both communitarian types of populism and cosmopolitan types of populism. Illustrative case studies of the Alternative for Germany, the Polish Law and Justice Party, the Democracy in Europe Movement and Peru’s Alberto Fujimori substantiate these empirically. While all cases contest a perceived lack of popular sovereignty in a largely non-majoritarian global constitutional order, varieties of populism present contrasting responses: communitarian types push for global de-constitutionalisation in line with illiberal nationalist majoritarianism, while cosmopolitan types support global constitutionalisation according to liberal and democratic principles. Further, neo-socialist populists campaign against neoliberal principles in GC, but remain divided about supporting political principles beyond the state. These findings suggest an emerging politicisation of the process of global constitutionalisation at the societal level according to principles of democratic legitimacy; and global constitutional differentiation depending on outcomes of these normatively ambivalent and empirically contingent political contests.
This chapter is written from Duncan Ivison’s dual perspective as a political theorist and as a senior administrator at the University of Sydney, which requires him to translate vision statements about the importance of “globalizing the curriculum” into practical reality. Ivison sets out three arguments for a globalized curriculum: the civilizational rationale, the global citizenship rationale, and the rationale of taking moral disagreement seriously. Only the last provides a strong underpinning for deparochializing a curriculum by decentering Western traditions in its core design. Like the “culture wars” of the 1990s, the civilizational rationale is an argument against decentering the West very much. Its purpose is to underscore the claim that ideas of toleration and respect for cultural diversity have their origins in Western thought traditions. The global citizenship rationale, which focuses on the kinds of knowledge students need to adapt and contribute to a globalized world, may not actually generate a strong commitment to going beyond Western traditions of cosmopolitan humanism. The best alternative is based on the reality of deep and persistent moral disagreements: if only we could learn how to hear them, we might find that sometimes cultural others have persuasive arguments against views we take for granted.
This chapter introduces the topic, theoretical approach, and sources used to write the present history of Jeddah. The local perception of Jeddah as ‘different’ in a Saudi Arabian context serves as the point of departure for this undertaking. Building on the local view of a city hospitable to Muslim pilgrims, a number of practices are discerned which allow the characterisation of Jeddah as a cosmopolitan city with a distinct set of convivial practices. These will be explored throughout the book using a broad range of Arabic, Ottoman, and foreign sources, produced both by governments and individuals. These also include travelogues and local histories as well as material dealing with local traditions.
The eighteenth-century Irish gentleman was, according to Samuel Madden, an ‘amphibious animal … envied as an Englishman in Ireland, and maligned as Irish in England’. This sense of ambiguity had repercussions on the gendering of Irish men, as manly norms were increasingly defined by British imperialism. This chapter analyses the representation of Irish masculinity, using William Chaigneau’s The History of Jack Connor as a case study which negotiates gender, nation, and political relations. If Jonathan Swift laments the toxic effects of army morals and English effeminacy on Ireland’s political class, Chaigneau invokes patriarchy and paternity to explore and to ramify the affective bonds between the two nations. Analysing Chaigneau’s representation of a cosmopolitan Irish soldier, this chapter examines how the novel creates a modern martial masculinity which legitimises the authority and potency of Irish Protestants, creating an imaginative dynastic filiation between Britain and Ireland.
Seán O’Faoláin is the embodiment in twentieth-century Irish cultural life of a version of the European public intellectual. A commentator on Irish and world affairs, he responded frequently to the political directives of the mid-century decades, pushing against the pressures towards insularity and clerical nationalism and recruiting literary culture to his cause. Co-founder of the influential journal The Bell, he was also a journalist and essayist, the author of fiction, several major biographies, travel writer and literary critic. Across this eclectic oeuvre O’Faoláin advanced his sense of a world in which the writer worked to maintain connections with English and Continental culture, claiming for Ireland a European position. In the 1940s his voice was perhaps at its most impressive and diverse, culminating in the publication in 1947 of The Irish: A Character Study, his vibrant diagnosis of the emerging nation. This chapter reassesses O’Faoláin’s role as a European public intellectual in a time of global crisis, drawing new comparisons between O’Faoláin and a diverse array of contemporary commentators including Jean-Paul Sartre, George Orwell, Arthur Koestler, Karl Popper and Hannah Arendt.
This chapter examines the implications of cosmopolitanism for the subfield of political sociology. Owing to its roots in ongoing debates on how globalization has altered power relations in the contemporary world, cosmopolitanism cuts across the subfield of political sociology in instructive ways. Though interdisciplinary in nature, cosmopolitan research contains important insights for the sociological study of politics at the global, national, and local levels (Archibugi 2003; Brown and Held 2010). While this chapter focuses on how cosmopolitanism contributes to our understanding of world citizenship, global governance, and human rights, it nonetheless points to the roles of states (in their foreign and domestic policies) and civil society actors, including social movement organizations (SMOs) and NGOs, in advancing (or blocking) cosmopolitan objectives.
Human rights would become instrumental in trying to resolve the tensions between religion and the modern state. Chapter 5 commences with the Irish Constitution, which illustrates how Catholic political thought would evolve as a cosmopolitan civil society project. The use of rights-based language within this Constitution was part of the trend to both restrain a newly forming nation state, while at the same time to acknowledge the limits of religion in such a new political polity. During the Cold War the Christian democratic parties consolidated and expanded European political and economic cooperation, and Section 5.2 of the chapter looks at how those who shaped that era began drawing human rights into the confrontation between Eastern and Western Europe by emphasising religious freedom. In Latin America, human rights became a distinctively different project, and Section 5.3 examines in what manner human rights was used against state authority and part of a programme of liberation and democratisation. In each of these many contexts, a cosmopolitan Catholicism presented the value of participating in the human rights project with varying degrees of success.
Karen Knop takes up the question ‘[h]ow do we study doorways and the constitution?’ and offers an answer in a deliberately ‘explanatory and experimental vein’. Her contribution focuses on the curious introduction, by the Supreme Court of Canada, of ‘comity’ as a principle of interpretation for the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Curious, because, as Knop writes, while the ‘constitutionalization of comity is familiar’, notably in the area of private international law, ‘the “comitization” of the Constitution is not’. Knop analyzes four leading decisions by the Supreme Court of Canada, each of which figured ‘something(s) called “comity”’ as ‘a way in which the existence of, dependence on and regard for the Other figure in the constitution’. Using these four cases, Knop is able to elaborate a history of ‘cosmopolitanism introduced into the Constitution by comity’, that both reaches further back and is richer – in including also private legal relations – than familiar accounts of the post-Second World War emergence of international human rights regimes in public international law.
Evan Fox-Decent defends the basic claim that ‘the state’s public law governing its interactions with non-citizens – the state’s cosmopolitan law – must have a certain outward orientation and representative character if it is to be law, properly so-called’. Drawing on earlier work with his frequent co-author Evan Criddle, Fox-Decent invokes the conceptual vocabulary of the ‘fiduciary criterion of legitimacy’ to denote the stipulation that state action ought always to be intelligible as ‘action made on behalf of or in the name of the individual subject to it’, if it is to be legitimate, regardless of whether this individual is a citizen or an outsider in some sense. He uses a discussion of Joseph Raz’s notion of authority, and of the ‘riveting and intractable’ problem of ‘the non-jurisdictional/jurisdictional distinction to distinguish de facto from legitimate authority’ and on this basis constructs his case for the ‘fiduciary criterion’. When it comes to the outer boundaries of the constitutional order, this criterion functions as a ‘cosmopolitan threshold – not a barrier – that welcomes the entry of peaceful outsiders into sovereign states while empowering states to limit migration when conditions warrant’.
Borges and Nobel Prize-winner J Coetzee coincide on many points. Both have written literary criticism consistently throughout their careers, and there are similarities in their views on specific writers (e.g. Kafka), philosophers, and works. The two resemble each other in their use of language, their education, family background, and post-colonial agendas. Borges is present at numerous levels in Coetzee’s novels, for example in ’Foe’ (Borges had himself written on ’Robinson Crusoe’), and Borgesian self-masking of the author pervades novels from ’Elizabeth Costello’ (2003) on.
The afterword revisits the major themes of the book but also points to the particularly important role of Irish writers in articulating critiques of empire, unsurprising in view of their nation’s subject relation within the United Kingdom. This final section also addresses the question of slavery, now seen as the greatest contradiction in Enlightenment political thought and practice, noting that this issue becomes prominent politically and theatrically in the last decades of the eighteenth century. Early Whig hostility to extractive colonial policy, recently uncovered by Steven Pincus, suggests however that mainstream anti-slavery positions may have emerged earlier than previously believed, suggesting potential rethinking of such tragedies as Oroonoko and Young’s The Revenge.
This chapter focuses on Joseph Addison and Richard Steele as primary proponents of Enlightened culture in late Stuart England. Often seen now as ineffectual witnesses to the human costs of expanding commerce and imperialism, Addison and Steele were important as advocates of religious toleration, universal education, cultural relativism and hostility to extractive colonialism. Drawing a parallel between their modelling of empathetic persuasion in their periodical papers with Steele’s practice as a sentimental dramatist, I show how his playwriting sought to create national sympathy across sectarian, ethnic and ideological boundaries in order to create empathy for outsiders. This was a particularly urgent issue for Steele, who suffered all his career because he was Anglo-Irish.
Freemasonry emerged in London in the late 1710s as a form of sociability committed to tolerant, cosmopolitan constitutionalism of a characteristically Enlightenment cast. Welcoming to Jews and Catholics, and men of varying social class, the lodges were also frequented by many, quite probably a majority of, male theatre professionals. Among the famous actors, managers and dramatists, the masons counted George Lillo. My contention is that it is no accident that all the most important contributors to domestic tragedy were masons (Hill, Lillo, Moore) but that their generic innovations crafted a genre peculiarly able to represent the shocks of commercial capital and colonial trade on individuals sutured from traditional forms of familial and kinship network and support. The fraternal assistance of the lodge stood as an alternative source of succour in a hostile world, even if it often failed to rescue its fallen brothers. Lillo wrote The Tragedy of George Barnwell in the same year he joined a lodge, and his drama symbolically enacts the challenges and comforts of masonic fraternity.
Sister Nivedita (Margaret Elizabeth Noble), a prominent disciple of the Hindu guru Swami Vivekananda, creatively reconfigured some traditional Vedantic vocabularies to present the “cosmo-national” individual as one who is not antithetical to but is deeply immersed in the densities of national locations. As we situate Nivedita’s “vernacular cosmopolitanism” in post-Saidian academic cultures, one of the most striking features of her reiteration of the theme that Indians should seek the universal in and through the particularities of their national histories, cultural norms, and religious systems is that it is grounded in an East-West binary, where specific values, sensibilities, and themes are attributed to each pole—primarily material to the Western and spiritual to the Eastern. The locations of her life and thought within this binary generate a complex combination of certain highly perceptive readings of Eastern styles of living; spiritual idealizations and ahistorical romanticizations of some traditional Hindu beliefs, traditions, and customs; global visions of internationalist exchanges across humanity; and pointed critiques of the operations of empire—while, occasionally, she can herself challenge the binary as an inexact classification.
This chapter provides an overview of global poverty and the debate on transnational socioeconomic justice. It begins by examining the current state of global poverty and the argument that it is in decline; it finds reason to be cautious about optimistic narratives on the decline of poverty. It then looks at global inequality and the uneven distribution of wealth between the human population. It then returns to look at poverty as an existential experience and how it is corrosive to a minimally acceptable human life.
It then considers the debate on transnational socio-economic justice between cosmopolitans and their critics. It provides a general distinction between ideal and non-ideal theory. It settles on a minimalist position as its point of departure for the injustice of global poverty. It argues that all sides have neglected the problem of intransigent non-compliance. There is little likelihood that compliance with even minimal duties of justice will occur in the near future. This raises the question of what the victims of injustice should do when there is no remedy on offer.
To provide the proper background to understand jazz in the GDR (founded in 1949), the book opens with a brief historical account of jazz in Germany prior to the creation of the East German state. examines the arrival of jazz in Germany after World War I, offering a brief synopsis of the cultural politics of the Weimar (1919-1933) and the National Socialist (1933-1945) eras. These years witness the influx of jazz music and dance culture into the defeated German empire, its ambivalent reception by the bourgeoisie, and the emergence of deep questions about national cultural identity against newfound American trends and influences. Under the twelve years of National Socialism, these questions took on new dimensions: Nazi propaganda unequivocally ostracized jazz as an emblem of racial transgression, categorizing it alongside other degenerate works, yet also recruited the popularity of the music for propagandist purposes throughout the regime, even until its collapse.