Research on disaster behavioral health presents significant methodological challenges. Challenges are even more complex for research on mass violence events that involve military members, families, and communities, due to the cultural and logistical considerations of working with this population. The current article aims to inform and educate on this specialized area of research, by presenting a case study on the experience of designing and conducting disaster behavioral health research after a mass violence event in a military setting: the 2013 mass shooting at the Washington Navy Yard, in Washington, D.C. Using the case example, the authors explore methodological challenges and lessons learned from conducting research in this context, and provide guidance for future researchers.

Under conditions of guerrilla conflict, mass indiscriminate violence has been shown to effectively starve a guerrilla of its support. Consequently, counter-guerrilla mass violence is concentrated within territories where a guerrilla is dominant. However, in roughly 40 percent of mass violence episodes (e.g., Rwanda and Cambodia), the violence was aimed at populations within areas of secure territorial control. These episodes have therefore been explained by attributing ideological preferences to leaders or as unique cases only. I argue that leaders adopt mass indiscriminate violence against outgroups to consolidate power under conditions of elite rivalry. The violence serves two main goals. First, it helps build coalitions with constituencies that gain from violence; and second, it targets rival factions indirectly by forcing local security officials to facilitate or oppose the violence. The violence thereby provides rival supporters with an exit option, provides the regime with information on rival supporters’ private loyalties, and undermines rivals’ abilities to mount an effective resistance. These rivals can ultimately be purged from the regime. Based on newly collected original data on elite purges and on the type of mass indiscriminate violence for the years 1950 to 2004, I show that this type of mass violence, which I call “genocidal consolidation,” is intimately connected to authoritarian consolidation.

Nowadays, there exists an international movement towards the extensive recognition as cultural heritage, or “heritagization”, of areas where wars, genocides and massacres have taken place. The phenomenon of “seeing” mass death, called “dark tourism” or the “tourism of desolation”, has become both an aim and a destination for visitors. The article examines this heritagization, with an emphasis on the memorials of the genocide perpetrated against the Tutsi of Rwanda.

This review article outlines the progress that the literature on the causes of ethnic cleansing has made in the last 10–15 years. The article specifically focuses on two lines of research that have expanded our understanding of ethnic cleansing: (a) the studies that focus on the role of wars (this literature can in turn be divided into those works that treat “wars as strategic environments” and those that treat “wars as transformational forces”); (b) the studies that focus on the pre-war domestic or international conditions that hinder or promote ethnic cleansing. The last section of the article suggests several future avenues of research that could further refine the study of ethnic cleansing and its relationship to other types of mass violence.

The 2009 Pinelake Health and Rehab Center shooting in Carthage, North Carolina, presents a unique case study for examining the specific considerations for mass violence events in senior living facilities. A variety of factors, including reduced sensory perception, reduced mobility, and cognitive decline, may increase the vulnerability of the populations of senior living facilities during mass violence events. Management of response aspects such as evacuation, relocation, and reunification also require special consideration in the context of mass violence at senior living facilities. Better awareness of these vulnerabilities and response considerations can assist facility administrators and emergency managers when preparing for potential mass violence events at senior living facilities. (Disaster Med Public Health Preparedness. 2017;11:150–152)

This article evaluates reparation by the state after four of the worst episodes of violence against religious minorities in independent India. Examining official records obtained through India’s law on the right to information, I analyze government aid to victims after identity-based massacres over a 20-year period. I argue that there is a well-established repertoire of assistive measures after sectarian violence but, despite the resources available within a politically stable state, aid for victims of mass violence in India is unimaginative and meagre. I argue further that the political opportunity structure for reparations is limited by the fact that sectarian mobilization is embedded within electoral politics in India. Just as sectarian politics led governments to tolerate mass violence, it constricts the checks and balances that might lead to adequate reparation after violence subsides. I then suggest that opportunities to negotiate better reparation for victims expand over time, and propose that a law on reparation would constrain state bias and strengthen opportunities for victims to demand the support that they need.

Over the past few decades, genocidal killing and other mass atrocities have become less frequent and less lethal. At the same time, collective international responses have become more common and more comprehensive. What explains these two phenomena, and are they connected? This article suggests that the evidence of declining mass violence and growing international activism is not only compelling but that the two phenomena are connected by the emergence of a new international human protection regime. The article proceeds in three parts. The first examines the evidence for thinking that the world is experiencing both a decline in mass violence and an increase in international activism in response to such violence. The second outlines the emergence, scope, and limits of the human protection regime. The third considers whether the regime itself is associated with the changing practices of third parties to mass violence. The fourth part contrasts this explanation with potential alternatives.

This report describes the successful use of a simple 3-phase approach that guides the initial 30 minutes of a response to blast and active shooter events with casualties: Enter, Evaluate, and Evacuate (3 Echo) in a mass-shooting event occurring in Minneapolis, Minnesota USA, on September 27, 2012. Early coordination between law enforcement (LE) and rescue was emphasized, including establishment of unified command, a common operating picture, determination of evacuation corridors, swift victim evaluation, basic treatment, and rapid evacuation utilizing an approach developed collaboratively over the four years prior to the event. Field implementation of 3 Echo requires multi-disciplinary (Emergency Medical Services (EMS), fire and LE) training to optimize performance. This report details the mass-shooting event, the framework created to support the response, and also describes important aspects of the concepts of operation and curriculum evolved through years of collaboration between multiple disciplines to arrive at unprecedented EMS transport times in response to the event.

Autrey AW, Hick JL, Bramer K, Berndt J, Bundt J. 3 Echo: Concept of Operations for Early Care and Evacuation of Victims of Mass Violence. Prehosp Disaster Med. 2014;29(4):1-8 .