Thus spoke America's U.N. ambassador, Andrew Young, during a press conference at the U.S. State Department after submitting his letter of resignation to President Carter on August 15, 1979. Young's resignation followed his "secret" meeting with the Palestine Liberation Organization's U.N. observer, Zahdi Labib Terzi, which violated U.S. policy of no contact with PLO representatives, a policy initiated in 1975 by former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger.

In this presumably secular age it may astound many people that religion is still one of the primary components of voting behavior. But how else can one explain facts such as these: German Catholic communities in North Dakota gave Kennedy over 90 per cent of their votes but gave Stevenson less than 25 per cent. A German Catholic precinct in Wisconsin gave Kennedy a comfortable 63 per cent but has not voted for a Democratic presidential candidate since. A German Lutheran precinct in Wisconsin went for Stevenson but gave Kennedy less than a fourth of its votes. Three Baptist precincts in Roosevelt County, New Mexico, gave Stevenson comfortable majorities but Kennedy less than a third.

With the rapidly increasing interdependence of all people who inhabit the planet Earth, it has become widely accepted that the ways in which a country acts toward its own citizens may also have important consequences for citizens of other countries. More particularly, a state that systematically represses the fundamental rights of its own subjects is apt to be viewed as a potential threat to the peace and security of other states as well. This view is supported by the United Nations Charter, which expressly links the cause of human rights with the cause of world peace.

Kofi Awoonor's novels, poems, and literary criticism have been acclaimed in many countries. Nevertheless, he is probably best known in the United States for the harassment and imprisonment he suffered in his native country of Ghana three years ago.

Awoonor was arrested on December 31, 1975, in Cape Coast, Ghana, and held without charges for several months. A number of human rights organizations issued strong protests. Amnesty International, International P.E.N., P.E.N. American Center (Bernard Malamud, Jerzy Kosinski, Muriel Rukeyser, Allen Ginsberg, Alfred Kazin, and Thomas Fleming were among those who spoke out on his behalf), and the Committee to Free Kofi Awoonor, based at Stony Brook on Long Island, were some of the more vocal protestors.

Can security in the NATO/Warsaw Pact area be achieved without nuclear-weapons, or with significantly reduced reliance on them?" Many religious leaders and other concerned citizens in Europe and America are asking this question while NATO political and military authorities are deliberating about how NATO should improve its nuclear posture in Europe (the so-called theater nuclear posture).

No one can be smug or even satisfied about depending on nuclear weapons for security. One hardly need recount the destructive power of individual nuclear weapons (up to twenty-five or fifty times the explosive power of the bombs dropped at Hiroshima and Nagasaki) or count the thousands of warheads in current nuclear inventories on both sides.

The modern history of the quest to control the arms race and to seek disarmament has not been distinguished by religious leadership in this area. That is, until now. Today, our major Protestant and Catholic churches are addressing themselves to these problems with a sense of urgency that would amaze Christians of even the last generation. While this is prompted by a renewed interest in the Social Gospel, it is also inspired by the realization that our entire civilization is in jeopardy due to the arms race which threatens us all.

The traditional dualism of law and extralegal coercion in the socialist bloc countries is well known. It is also well known that this dualism provides the framework for systematic circumvention of human rights. As it occurs in the Soviet Union, this phenomenon has been the object of scholarly studies, and a similar analysis of its existence in Cuba is long overdue. The point of this article, however, is not the violation of human rights in Cuba that violates its own or international laws but, rather, the limitations on fundamental human rights that are inherent in the Cuban legal system.