The nineteenth biennial meeting of the Society took as its general theme ‘Anglo-Saxons and Anglo-Saxonists in the Southwest’. The conference was attended by 121 registrants.

This article examines a contradiction in Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica between Bede’s own claims and the implications of the list of bishops in the conciliar document produced at the Synod of Hertford, concerning the date of Bisi’s consecration. Modern reconstructions of East Anglian episcopal chronology rely on Bede’s account. The article opens by considering Bede’s concern to identify episcopal consecrators, which led to the contradiction. The implications of the Synod of Hertford are then explored for dating East Anglia’s bishops and the consequent impact this has upon interpreting East Anglia’s royal chronology and the evangelization of the kingdom. This further exposes Bede’s motives for writing his history and how he constructed his narrative.

Hessisches Staatsarchiv Marburg Hr 2,19 is a recently described fragment of the abridged version of Cassiodorus’s Expositio psalmorum, as found in Durham, Cathedral Library, MS. B II. 30. In the past, it has been debated whether the abridged commentary ever existed in more than one copy, the focus being on the relationship between the fragment Landesbibliothek Düsseldorf K16:Z03/01 and Durham MS. B II. 30. This note argues that Hr 2,19 provides evidence that at least three or perhaps four copies existed. An appendix provides a transcription, images of the fragment, commentary on variants, and corrections made in Hr 2,19 and the Durham manuscript.

The Old English quasi-legal text Be wifmannes beweddunge (‘On the betrothal of a woman’) is a key source for understanding how marriages were contracted in late Anglo-Saxon England. This paper will use the nine clauses of Be wifmannes beweddunge as a window into a broader discussion of the Anglo-Saxon betrothal and wedding process. It will consider in turn the issue of licit and illicit unions, the economic and legal terms of the betrothal agreement, and the development of Christian wedding rites. It will argue that Be wifmannes beweddunge is fundamentally concerned with the legal, financial, physical and social protection of women within marriage. Moreover, it will argue that this text offers evidence for a gradual Christianisation of betrothal and wedding customs in late Anglo-Saxon England.

It has long been accepted that royal households in the pre-Viking period subsisted on annual renders of food, sometimes termed feorm, from the free peasantry. This model of royal support is historiographically fundamental, in the sense that it is built into the foundations of much current thinking not just on the economics of kingship, but on its origins, and on the process of ‘manorialization’. This article argues that the texts which are conventionally read as references to these general-purpose food supplies are in fact concerned with feasts. This is apparent when we scrutinize both the content of food lists – which are so dominated by animal protein as to be inconsistent with the stable isotope evidence for elite diet examined in our companion article – and the contexts of documentary references to feorm and (in Latin) pastus. The article concludes with a review of the potentially far-reaching implications of this finding.

This work tackles long held assumptions in both archaeology and history surrounding elite diets in early medieval England i.e., that higher status individuals had a more meat-heavy diet and that this was especially true for males. We utilise the largest isotopic dataset on early medieval diets to date to show that not only were high protein diets extremely rare in England before Scandinavian settlement, but that dietary differences cannot be linked to gender or social status from the funerary record. Comparisons with the calculations made in our companion article and the bioarchaeological evidence demonstrate further that the lists of food demanded by eighth-century kings were not the basis for regular elite diet, and that these texts probably represent the supplies for infrequent feasts.

This paper aims to demystify the concept of bookland, and to suggest that it matters less for understanding what was distinctive about early England than historians have often supposed. The first part emphasises diplomas as beneficiary-led symbols of culture and status rather than instruments of royal policy. As the primary monastic context faded during the ninth century, so did the distinctive aspects of bookland. By c. 950, bōcland could translate fundus or simply terra, and thereafter diplomas had little effective function beyond signalling the status of landowner and thegn: bookland was absorbed into straightforward allodial possession. In the second part, it is argued that large areas of eastern England never had lay bookland tenure at all, though there was a limited extension of diploma use into parts of the east midlands after c. 940. Rather than a homogeneous Anglo-Saxon charter tradition, we should envisage distinct traditions in the south and west reflecting Italian, Frankish and Brittonic influences. Eastern England, by contrast, faced the North Sea, Scandinavia and the Low Countries: like other English regions it had a high monastic culture during c. 670–800, and that could have included diplomas, but its main documentary tradition is likely to have been more vernacular and decentralized.

Considering early medieval slave resistance proves difficult, given our limited knowledge of all people of low status, especially slaves. Without oral histories, slave narratives, or strong indications of agency, we cannot confidently move beyond discussion of what slave-owners feared into what slaves intended. In lieu of broad discussion of slave agency for early medieval England, we can speak instead of the anticipated problems of slave-ownership. Elites were most concerned by behaviours which could fall into three overlapping categories of ‘problems’: those of property ownership, labour and violence. Each issue focusses heavily on legal responsibility for actions by slaves within a communal compensation-based legal system. Examination of these fears indicates that lawmakers and slave-owning elites were consistently engaged in problematizing slave-ownership, either in reaction to known slave behaviour or in anticipation of it. What emerges, then, is a situation in which both real and imagined acts of resistance helped shape ideas of power and authority both at a personal and administrative level. The expectations of slave behaviour also illuminate some aspects of slavery’s role in society.