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Culture and Decision Making in China, Japan, Russia, and the United States

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  13 June 2011

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Abstract

Implicit in most recent social science explanations of human behavior is a conception of man as universal homo economicus. Although such a conception is capable of giving a powerful account of a great deal of human action, its account of the nature and variety of human values is inadequate. Cultural assumptions about the meaning of “self” and “others,” and about relations between human beings, are likely to vary from one society to another. These assumptions affect the collective decision processes of political elites under conditions of complexity, uncertainty, and ambiguity. The author first addresses the question of how to construct a compelling cultural explanation, and then offers evidence which suggests that, because Chinese, Japanese, and Russians tend to hold somewhat different conceptions of “self” and “others” than do Americans (the former tending to be more collectivist than the latter), these different conceptions have implications for collective decision making.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Trustees of Princeton University 1986

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References

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25 It is appropriate here to say something about the use of fiction in English translation. In a study concerned with the impact of interpersonal relations on how people behave in disagreements, the use of translations is less than ideal because speech often contains subtle clues as to the nature of the relationship between speaker and listener. The reader who relies on translations, then, may be left with fewer clues with which to work. In the present case, how-ever, the available clues were sufficient; if they had not been, we should have found much less agreement between the readers in their coding of the variables and much less correspondence between fiction and reality. Although elements of tone, idiom, and characterization may be lost in the move from one language to another, this is less likely to be the case with plot, with the who-says-what-to-whom-with-what-effect that is the stuff of disagreements. For present purposes, it is irrelevant to what extent the translated fiction is representative of fiction that has not been translated. The proper question is whether there is some basis for supposing that in this fiction relationships between variables will mirror those found in life. For the uncensored fiction, I have reported such a basis.

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29 I conceive of the pure collectivist as a good deal less egalitarian than some readers might deem appropriate; however, I am concerned with man as I think we have known him historically and not as we, or Marx, or Rousseau, might like him to be.

30 The statistical associations reported throughout this study are small, and they sometimes do not meet standard levels of formal significance. Are the results likely to be an artifact of chance? Since all of the nine comparisons made in this study (three hypotheses by three countries) are in the expected direction, an argument can be made against such a conclusion. Nevertheless, are the results of sufficient magnitude to warrant our attention? In answering this question, readers should consider the following: First, the data probably understate the differences in cultural assumptions about the meaning of “self and “others.” This is so because these assumptions are not measured directly, but inferred from associations between attitudes and behavior. Research shows that the magnitude of such associations is likely to be modest even under the best of circumstances. (See Schuman, Howard and Johnson, Michael P., “Attitudes and Behavior,” Annual Review of Sociology 2 [1976], 161207CrossRefGoogle Scholar.) Second, the data can also be seen as understating the differential impact of cultural assumptions on small-group decision making among political elites. This is so because we expect this impact to be most noteworthy under conditions of complexity, uncertainty, and ambiguity. In fiction, decision makers often face complexity, but the competing values and interests to be reconciled are rarely those of more than two people. The fictional decision makers also commonly face un-certainty about the relation of means to ends, but rarely do they face complexity at the same time. Finally, in no case do fictional decision makers face ambiguity. Disputants are always able to envision the outcomes they prefer. In short, the situations described in the fiction are simpler than those commonly said to confront political elites. Finally, collective decision processes are likely to be relatively indeterminate in character; in view of such indeterminacy, even modest levels of “explained variance” may be the best we can hope for.

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