1 The past comes back in a different medium, for example in books and articles. Jenkins, Keith, Re-thinking History (London and New York: Routledge, 2003), p. 8Google Scholar.

2 Munslow, Alun, Deconstructing History (London and New York: Routledge, 1997), p. 163CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3 Ibid., p. 70.

4 Jenkins, Re-thinking history, p. 14.

5 Ibid., p. 16.

6 Ibid., p. 12.

7 Although Koskimies dated his preface 28 February 1970, the second part of the history of the Finnish National Theatre was published in 1972. The reason for this was that the year 1972 was the centenary of the founding of the Finnish Theatre, which had in 1902 changed its name to Finnish National Theatre. The book was written in the late 1960s.

8 The minutes of the meetings of the board of the Finnish National Theatre 5 February 1946 and 30 May 1949. Archives of the Finnish National Theatre.

9 Koskimies, Rafael, Suomen Kansallisteatteri, 2 (‘The Finnish National Theatre, 2’) (Helsinki: Otava, 1972), p. 11Google Scholar.

10 Ibid., p. 13.

11 Ibid., p. 479.

12 Juliette, ‘Turnerande tysk teatertrupp här på fransk visit’ Hufvudstadsbladet, 22 March 1938.

13 An open letter to Heinrich George is published in Finnish in Brecht, Bertolt, Kirjoituksia teatterista (Helsinki: VAPK-kustannus, 1991), pp. 250–3Google Scholar. Also, John London writes that ‘Hans Otto was clubbed to death by Nazi Storm Troopers’. John London, ‘Introduction’, in John London, ed., Theatre under the Nazis (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000), pp. 1–53, here p. 12.

14 ‘Ihre tiefere Aufgabe ist es, deutsche Theater-Kultur in anderen Ländern zu zeigen und auf diese schöne Weise geistige Verbindung zu den Völkern im Sinne eines neues Europa zu schaffen’. Schiller-Theater der Reichshauptstadt Spielzeit 1939/40, Rune Carlsten's archives. Övriga handlingar Ö1:1. Swedish Theatre Museum. [KHS: not sure how to format this footnote]

15 Ibid. I am using the same translation of the title of the play as John London in his article, ‘Non-German Drama in the Third Reich’, in Theatre under the Nazis, pp. 230–1.

16 Koskimies, Suomen Kansallisteatteri 2, p. 398.

17 Mikael [Tuomi Elmgren-Heinonen], ‘Saksalaisia vieraita Kansallisteatterissa’ Uusi Suomi, 22 March 1938.

18 The Finnish National Theatre visited Tallinn in 1931 and 1937, and Stockholm in 1936. Mehto, Katri, ‘Ifigeneia ja Seitsemän veljestä maailmalla. Kansallisteatterin vuoden 1957 vierailut kansallista identiteettiä vahvistamassa’, Koski, in Pirkko, ed., Niin muuttuu mailma, Eskoni, (Helsinki: Helsinki University Press, 1999), pp. 230–52Google Scholar.

19 In Finnish, ‘kohtelias kielteinen vastaus’. Minutes of the meeting of the board of the Finnish National Theatre, 31 August 1938.

20 Hiedanniemi, Britta, Kulttuuriin verhottua politiikkaa. Kansallissosialistisen Saksan kulttuuripropaganda Suomessa 1933–1940 (Helsinki: Otava, 1980), p. 180Google Scholar.

21 Vitikka, Hilkka and Vitikka, Olli, eds., Ester Ståhlbergin sodan ja rauhan vuodet päiväkirja 1935–1947 (Helsinki: WSOY, 1987), pp. 192–3Google Scholar. Also, in his memoirs, Kalima wrote much about his visits to Poland and about the Polish plays he directed. Kalima, Eino, Kansallisteatterin ohjissa (Helsinki: WSOY, 1968)Google Scholar.

22 Kalima, Kansallisteatterin ohjissa, p. 386.

23 Edwin Linkomies was the prime minister of Finland during the end of the Continuation War. After the war he was convicted as a war criminal.

24 Vitikka and Vitikka, Ester Ståhlbergins bd an ja rauhan vuodet päiväleirja 1935–1947 pp. 192–93.

25 Koskimies, Suomen Kansallisteatteri 2, pp. 426–34. At the time the board did not comment on having three German plays in the repertory at the same time. This seemed to be due to the promoting of Finnish–German relations. In the late 1930s the board had postponed one performance because it did not want to include another Russian play in the repertory of the theatre. Korsberg, Hanna, Politiikan ja valtataistelun pyörteissä – Suomen Kansallisteatteri ja epävarmuuden aika 1934–1950 (Helsinki: Like, 2004), p. 73Google Scholar.

26 H. J-n. [Huugo Jalkanen], ‘Heinrich Georgen lausuntailta’ Uusi Suomi, 23 April 1942; E. K. O. W., ‘Heinrich Georgen lausuntailta’ Helsingin Sanomat, 24 April 1942; T. A. [Toini Aaltonen], ‘Heinrich Georgen lausuntailtaan’ Suomen Sosialidemokraatti, 24 April 1942, E. St., ‘Stark, tysk recitationsafton’ Hufvudstadsbladet, 23 April 1942.

27 The chairman of the Actor's Union, Jalmari Rinne, was invited to the dinner. Rinne, Jalmari, Muistelija (Helsinki: Otava, 1985), p. 280Google Scholar.

28 Iikka [Anni Voipio], “Näyttelijäinvaihtoa olisi saatava Saksan ja Suomen välille’ Heinrich George Helsingissä.’ Uusi Suomi, 22 April 1942.

29 Relative to the size of its population, Finland mobilized more soldiers than any other country taking part in the Second World War. Finland and Germany shared the responsibility for the fronts. The German Lapland Army (later known as the 20th Mountain Army) was responsible for the area on the north side of the River Oulujoki with two divisions of Finnish troops. They were placed operationally under German command. The main forces of the Finnish army were responsible for the front on the south side of the River Oulujoki, which bisects Finland almost in the middle, between north and south. On the southern front the Finnish army was fighting together with the German army but both armies had separate leadership. Despite Germany's request, the Finnish army did not join in the invasion of Leningrad in 1941. Jussila, Osmo, Hentilä, Seppo and Nevakivi, Jukka, From Grand Duchy to a Modern State: A Political History of Finland since 1809 (London: Hurst and Company, 1999), pp. 197–9Google Scholar.

30 After the war T. M. Kivimäki was one of the war criminals. Minutes of a meeting of the board of the Finnish National Theatre, 28 April 1942. In the administration some supported the pro-German policy and some opposed it. For example, board-member Yrjö Soini travelled to Germany as a representative of the Union of Finnish Writers in the autumn of 1942. (He was accompanied by, for example, V. A. Koskenniemi.) It is very possible that the idea of a visit did not please Kalima.

31 Minutes of a meeting of the board of the Finnish National Theatre, 2 June 1942.

32 Letter from Kurt Raeck to the Finnish National Theatre. Appendix to the minutes of the board meeting, 21 September 1942.

33 Minutes of a meeting of the board of the Finnish National Theatre, 3 December 1942.

34 Korsberg, Politiikan ja valtataistelun pyörteissä Suomen Kansallisteatteri ja epävarmuuden aika 1934–1950, pp. 85, 98–100.

35 Hans Jalling and Willmar Sauter have researched the Berlin visit by the Royal Dramatic Theatre in June 1941. Hans Jalling, Att buga eller inte buga: En studie om Dramatens förhållande till Nazi-Tyskland 1938–1944 (Hedemora: Gidlunds förlag, 2004); Sauter, Willmar, Theater als Widerstand: Wirkung und Wirkungsweise eines politischen Theaters. Faschismus und Judendarstellung auf der schwedischen Bühne 1936–1941 (Stockholm: Akademilitteratur, 1979)Google Scholar.

36 The report of Wilho Ilmari's visit to Stockholm is an appendix to the minutes of the board meeting, 15 January 1943.

37 In 1941 this was reported by the Swedish newspaper Trots allt!. It wrote very critically about the visit. Trots allt!, No. 23 (1941). Willmar Sauter, Theater als Widerstand, pp. 69–72; Per Lysander, ‘Dramaten bugade djupt för de tyska herrarna’, Dagens Nyheter, 13 April 1997, p. ??.

38 Sauter, Theater als Widerstand, p. 70. The programmes, both in Swedish and in German, are in the archives of the Dramaten.

39 Minutes of a meeting of the board of the Finnish National Theatre, 17 February 1943.

40 Koskimies, Suomen Kansallisteatteri 2, p. 434.

41 Having roots in the peasantry was very important in the idea of Blut und Boden at the time. Lauri Hirvensalo, the translator of Mein Kampf, had to send a family tree to the German publisher in order to prove that his roots were in the Finnish peasantry; in other words that he was a reliable person to do the translation. Kai Häggman, Avarammille aloille, väljemmille vesille: Werner Söderström Osakeyhtiö 1940–2003 (Helsinki: WSOY, 2003), p. 27.

42 Pohjalaisia was also Artturi Järviluoma's first and best-known play. Järviluoma died in 1942 and Pohjalaisia was mentioned in the obituaries. Right after Järviluoma's death, K. S. Laurila published a long article in Uusi Suomi about Pohjalaisia and its reception after its premiere at the Finnish National Theatre in 1914. According to Laurila the critics were divided about Pohjalaisia, but the audience accepted the play immediately. K. S. Laurila, ‘Miten Järviluoman Pohjalaisia on arvosteltu?’, Uusi Suomi, 14 March 1942. A longer version of the article is published in Laurila, K. S., Kirjalliselta taistelurintamalta (Helsinki: Kirjapaja, 1945), pp. 89–113Google Scholar.

43 London, Theatre under the Nazis, pp. 22–3.

44 ‘kulkee, Kun rajuilma, niin talonpojan on paras käpristyä yhä lujemmin tähän maankamarahan. Siinä on talonpojan turva’. Artturi Järviluoma, Pohjalaisia (Helsinki: WSOY, 1960), p. 143Google Scholar.

45 Martinsson, Eva, Attentatet på Dramaten: En studie av Alf Sjöbergs uppsättning av Marika Stiernstedts drama (Lund: Martinssons förlag, 2000), pp. 177–8Google Scholar. See also Jalling, Att buga eller inte buga; and Sauter, Theater als Widerstand.

46 The report of Wilho Ilmari's visit to Stockholm is an appendix to the minutes of the board meeting, 15 January 1943.

47 Minutes of a meeting of the board of the Finnish National Theatre, 14 April 1943.

48 Ibid.

49 Meinander, Henrik, Tasavallan tiellä (Helsinki: Schildts, 1999), p. 225Google Scholar.

50 Minutes of a meeting of the board of the Finnish National Theatre, 14 April 1943.

51 The only meeting in which the visit to Berlin was discussed and in which Koskimies was not present took place on 3 December 1942.

52 Minutes of a meeting of the literary section of the Finnish National Theatre, 28 May 1942.

53 Suomen Sosialidemokraatti, 4 October 1942; Elanto, 13 October 1942; Karjala, 4 October 1942; Maaseudun Tulevaisuus, 6 October1942; Helsingin Sanomat, 4 October 1942; Uusi Suomi, 4 October 1942; Ilta-Sanomat, 3 October 1942; Hufvudstadsbladet, # October 1942. T. A. [Toini Aaltonen], ‘Nuori Grundtvig Kai Munkin voimakashenkinen aatedraama Kansallisteatterissa’ Suomen Sosialidemokraatti 4 October 1942; Aula, ‘Kansallisteatterin ensi-ilta’ Elanto 9 October 1942; V. K., ‘Nuori Grundtvig’ Kansallisteatterin perjantainen ensi-ilta’ Karjala 4 October 1942; M. L., ‘Nuori Grundtvig Kansallisteatterissa’ Maaseudun tulevaisuus 6 October 1942; E. P-la [Eino Palola], ‘Kansallisteatterin Munk-esitys’ Helsingin Sanomat 4 October 1942; T. T., ‘Kansallisteatterin Bergbomin päivän ensi-ilta. Kaj Munk: Nuori Grundtvig’ Uusi Suomi 4 October 1942; P.- Ta-vi [Paula Talaskivi], ‘Kansallisteatterin ‘Nuori Grundtvig’” Ilta-Sanomat 3 October 1942; E. St., ‘Den unge Grundtvig i finsk dräkt’ Hufvudstadsbladet 3 October 1942.

54 Koskimies, Suomen Kansallisteatteri 2, pp. 441–3.

55 ‘Sodan aikana ja Tanskan miehityksen jälkeen hänestä tuli kansallisen vapaudentahdon näkyvä edustaja. Sellaisena hän myös kuoli Gestapon käsiin v. 1944, vasta 46-vuotiaana’.Ibid., pp. 441–2.

56 Jenkins, Re-thinking history, p. 15.

57 Koskimies, Suomen Kansallisteatteri 2, p. 479.

58 Minutes of a meeting of the shareholders of the Finnish National Theatre, 11 June 1945.

59 Peltovuori, Risto, Suomi saksalaisin silmin 1933–1939: Lehdistön ja diplomatian näkökulmia (Helsinki: Finnish Literary Society, 2005), p. 214Google Scholar.

60 Otto Lappalainen, ‘Saksalaisen kielialueen kirjallisuushistorian ongelmia’, in Kirjallisuushistoria tänään. Kirjallisuudentutkijain Seuran vuosikirja 43 (Finnish Literature Society, 1989), pp. 207–15.

61 Rafael Koskimies, ‘Saksan vallankumouksen vaiheita. Hitler ja hänen oppinsa’, Valvoja (1933), pp. 303–19. An updated version of the article is published in his book Kirjallisia näköaloja (Helsinki: Otava, 1936), pp. 288–311. Kirjallisia näköaloja was reviewed in Valvoja by Arvi Kivimaa, who lived in Germany at the beginning of the 1930s. According to Kivimaa the interpretation of Hitler and his thoughts as presented by Koskimies was remarkably rewarding. Kivimaa, Kaksi esseekokoelmaa-kaksi lisaakulttuurileeskusteluummi, Valvoja (1936), pp. 541–47.

62 Häggman, Avarammille aloille, väljemmille vesille, pp. 31–7.

63 In March 1943 the United States had offered to act as mediator in the peace negotiations between Finland and the Soviet Union. The Finnish minister of foreign affairs, Henrik Ramsay, had visited Berlin and informed Germany of Finland's hopes for a separate peace. The Germans already knew this and German foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop demanded that the Finns cease all discussions with the United States immediately. Finland tried to show loyalty by other means and only with difficulty managed to avoid the political treaty that Germany demanded. Jussila, Hentilä, Nevakivi, From Grand Duchy to a Modern State, p. 204.

64 Korsberg, Politiikan ja valtataistelun pyörteissä Suomen Kansallisteatteri ja epävarmuuden aika 1934–1950, pp. 95–6.

65 Ilmari, Wilho, Teatterimiehen lokikirja (Helsinki: Tammi, 1971)Google Scholar.

66 Jenkins, Re-thinking history, pp. 21–3.

67 Sevänen, Erkki, Taide instituutiona ja järjestelmänä. Modernin taide-elämän historiallis-sosiologiset mallit (Helsinki: SKS, 1998), p. 346Google Scholar.

68 Jussila, Hentilä, Nevakivi, From Grand Duchy to a Modern State, pp. 229, 246.

69 Jokisipilä, Markku, ‘Hitlerin avulla idän barbaareja vastaan’: Tulkintoja suomalais-saksalaisesta aseveljeydestä (Turku: Turun yliopiston Poliittisen historian tutkimuksia 13, 1999), p. 31Google Scholar.

70 Ibid., pp. 13–14.

71 The documents referred to are in the archives of the Finnish National Theatre.

72 On historical facts see Jenkins, Re-thinking history, p. 40.

73 Ibid., p. 14.

74 Ibid., p. 21.