1 On imprese and hieroglyphics see especially: Ludwig Volkmann, Bilderscliriften der Renaissance (Leipzig, 1923); Mario Praz, Studies in Seventeenth-Century Imagery (London, 1939. Studies of the Warburg Institute, III), vol. 1; The Hieroglyphics of Horapollo, ed. George Boas (New York, 1950, Bollingen Ser. XXIII).

2 For support of this point see my unpublished dissertation (University of California, Berkeley, 1958), ‘Mediaeval Backgrounds of the Elizabethan Emblem-Book'.

3 On mythological representation in the middle ages and in the Renaissance, see particularly Jean Seznec, The Survival of the Pagan Gods, tr. Barbara Sessions (New York, 1953, Bollingen Ser. XXXVIII). M. Seznec's argument that a return to classical models for mythological iconography is a characteristic of Renaissance art is frequently not borne out by the emblematic illustrators of the sixteenth century; in any case, it does not negate my point.

4 Leyden, 1586. See the facsimile reprint, ed. Henry Green (London, 1866).

5 Of Whitney's 237 emblems, Green (p. 236) lists only twenty-three for which no direct source is known.

6 The works and editions known to have been drawn upon by Whitney are: Andrea Alciati, Emblemata (Antwerp, 1581); Claude Paradin, Les Devises heroiques (Antwerp, 1562); Joannes Sambucus, Emblemata (Antwerp, 1564); Hadrianus Junius, Emblemata (Antwerp, 1565); Gabriele Faerno, Fabulae C (Antwerp, 1563). Many other emblematists had borrowed themes from them; see Green, pp. 238-243.

7 For an essentially complete bibliography, see Henry Green, Andrea Alciati and his Books of Emblems (London, 1872). Alciati apparently brought the work out in some form —perhaps as a manuscript gift book—in 1522, but no trace of this version has ever been found. The first known edition (Augsburg, 1531) contained 104 emblems, 7 of them without pictures ('devices’ is a misnomer in the emblematic context). 5 emblems and 16 pictures were added in Paris, 1534, and 2 more of each in Paris, 1542. In 1546, the Aldine Press of Venice published a collection of 86 wholly new emblems, all illustrated. Lyons, 1547, anthologized 198 emblems from the two series, omitting, however, all the pictures for the Venetian group. 8 new emblems and a full complement of pictures appeared in Lyons, 1550, shortly after the author's death, bringing the total to 211. However, what eventually became Emblema LXXXVI was for many years suppressed as indecent, so that the full collection of 212 emblems did not appear until long after Alciati was dead.

8 Green, in the work just cited, lists 179 editions; but some of these are in translation.

9 As examples of the iconographic differences, in the first Paris edition Nemesis holds the bridle in her left hand, not her right, and is standing instead of walking; the costume in the 1551 Lyons edition is more consciously classic than elsewhere.

10 Palatine Anthology, bk. XVI, no. 223:

Other epigrams on Nemesis are bk. XVI, nos. 22, 221, 224, and 263.

11 P. 159. In this edition, Thuilius synthesized the commentaries of Claude Mignault, Francisco Sanchez, and Lorenzo Pignoria with his own.

12 Praz, Studies in Seventeenth-Century Imagery, II, without giving his source of information, says that the woodcut illustrations are ‘after the Augsburg painter Jorg Ureu'. On the basis of a monogram on the device which follows the colophon of the second Augsburg edition (also 1531), Green, Andrea Alciati, pp. 118-120, attributes them to Hans Schäufelein, a pupil of Dürer, though he adds that ‘the workmanship … is much inferior to what he was known to have produced'. If Green is right, then the strong points of likeness between this Nemesis and that of Albrecht Dürer (see below) are easily explainable.

13 See articles on ‘Nemesis’ in: Ch. Daremberg, Edm. Saglio, Pottier, E., Dictionnaire des antiquites grecques et romaines (Paris, 1877-1919), IV, iGoogle Scholar; Paulys Real-Encyclopddic der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, begonnen von Georg Wissowa, herausg. von Willi. Kroll (Stuttgart, 1894 + ), XVI. These works are hereafter referred to as Darembcrg-Saglio-Pottier and Pauly-Wissowa-Kroll.

14 In Renaissance art and literature this last-named vague deity was often confused with Fortuna, Fate, Kairos, and the Venus Marina, as well as with Nemesis. She was usually depicted nude except for a billowing cloak, bald except for a flowing forelock, standing on a wheel (usually floating in the sea), and carrying a razor. She seems to have been a favorite with the emblematists, appearing as she does in the works of Whitney, Alciati, Gilles Corrozet, George Wither, Francis Quarles, Francis Thynne, and others. For some of the various cross-breedings of Occasio see Howard R. Patch, The Goddess Fortuna (Cambridge, Mass., 1927), pp. 115 f.; Erwin Panofsky, ‘Father Time’ in Studies in Iconology (New York, 1939), p. 73 n.; Rudolf Wittkower, ‘Chance, Time, and Virtue', J.W.C.l. 1 (1937-1938), 313-321; Rudolf Wittkower, ‘Patience and Chance: the Story ofa Political Emblem', J . W.C.I. 1 (1937-1938), 171-177; Campbell Dodgson,'Copies of the Venus Marina (Pass. 272) Attributed to Dürer', Burlington Magazine of Art LXHI (1933), 288-289.

15 The temple there contained a renowned statue of the goddess, once said to be the work of Phidias, but now ascribed to Agoracritus. Pausanias’ description of it (Descriptio Graeciae, 1 [Attica], XXXIII, 2-8) shows it to be iconographically unrelated to the concept with which we are concerned. But see note 24 below.

16 ‘Quam alii Sortem asserunt Nemesimque non nulli Tychemque quam plures aut Nortiam’ (1, 17).

17 Annotationes in Marcianum, ed. Cora E. Lutz (Cambridge, Mass., 1939), entry 'Nemesim'.

18 See, for example, Nichomachean Ethics, n, no8a35; Eudcmian Ethics, II, I221a3, and m, 1233b26; Magna Moralia, 1, 1192b8.

19 Collationes in Hexaemeron, ed. R. P. Ferdinand Delorme, O.F.M. (Florence, 1934), Visio 1, Collatio n. See particularly p. 78: ‘Nemesi sive benignitatc indiget homo, ut nulli velit malum, praecipue sibi ipsi, ut propter nullius utilitatem negligat bonuin proprium, sit paratus ad reconciliandum, ad dimittendum iniurias.'

20 See H. Tietze and E. Tietze-Conrat, ‘Dürer's First Drawing for the Nemesis', Burlington Magazine ofArtLxa (1933), 243-245. A decade ago Hans Kauffmann ('Dürers “Nemesis“ ', Tymbos fur Wilhelm Ahhnann, Berlin, 1951, pp. 135-159) pointed out that not Dürer's picture but a memorial medal to Giuliano de’ Medici, possibly designed by Niccolo Fiorentino, appears to be the first modern representation of Nemesis. It had been depicted in G.J. Hill, A Corpus of Italian Medals before Cellini (London, 1930), p. 259, no. 986. In a very valuable article, published as this one was being prepared for the press, Erwin Panofsky,’ “Virgo et Victrix”, a Note on Dürer's Nemesis', Prints, ed. Carl Zigrosser (New York, 1962), pp. 13-38, throws new light on the sources of both representations, their obvious relationship, and the whole complex problem of Nemesian iconography in the Renaissance. Panofsky suggests that the medal dates from 1482 or shortly thereafter. See note 22 below.

21 The medal cited in the previous note shows a very similar concept. Nemesis, clad in simple flowing classical dress, walks in semiprofile toward the left. Her hair is smoothed down close to the scalp, but flows free from the back of her head to a point well below her shoulders. Her feet, which are winged, appear to rest on clouds, and a sunburst of rays surrounds her head. In her outstretched right hand she holds a bowl; in her left is what may be a bridle, though it is perhaps a yoke of some sort. Letters at the top of the medal indicate that the figure is that of'NEMESIS', clearly ruling out the mistaken identifications that plagued Durer's work for three and a half centuries.

22 Poliziano, Angclo, Le Selve e la Strega; Prolusioni nello Studio Fiorentino (1482-1492), ed. I. del Lungo (Florence, 1925), pp. 12 ff.Google Scholar As Panofsky demonstrates (’ “Virgo et Victrix“ ', pp. 23-24), the relationship of ‘Niccolo Fiorentino's’ Nemesis to Politian's is clear, though the sculptor makes a tunic of the cloak and a halo of the crown and places the wings on the ankles. The attribute of the saucer is a realistic attempt at the patera; if the other attribute is not a bridle but a yoke, it nevertheless might be traceable to Politian, who iu lines 19-20 of'Manto’ speaks of how the goddess forced the Greeks under the Roman yoke ('cervice coegit | Ferre jugum….’). Since the ‘Hymn to Nemesis’ ascribed to Mcsomedes (for text see the Panofsky article, pp. 17 and 33 11.) mentions both the bridle and Nemesis’ control of the yoke, it would seem a fair guess that it, rather than one of the Greek epigrams, was a primary source for Politian. In any case—and this is one of Panofsky's chief points—Politian was the first to conjoin the bridle and the patera; hence it is unlikely that the medal was issued prior to ‘Manto', even though Giuliano was assassinated so early as 1478.

23 See James Hutton, The Greek Anthology in Italy to the Year 1800 (Ithaca, N. Y., 1935, Cornell Stud, in English XXIII), p. 132 II.

24 ‘ “Virgo et Victrix” ‘, pp. 19-20. The libation-cup, though connected with Nemesis from dim antiquity, survives in the literary tradition only in Pausanias (see note 15 above), so that Politian can have derived it only from him. In Dürer's hands it becomes a massive Renaissance loving-cup, perhaps as a result of misunderstanding, perhaps in conformity with the majestic bearing (at least by contrast with ‘Niccolo Fiorentino’) that he gives his figure.

25 Albrecht Dürer (Princeton, 1948), 1, 81. Dürer seems to have found in Politian's ‘sed Candida pallam | Sed radiata comam’ sufficient basis for the cloak and forelock of Occasio. The sphere (not mentioned by the poet) represented instability in Platonic symbolism, and was properly an attribute of Occasio's Greek male counterpart, Kairos—though it later became connected with Fortuna. See the Wittkower articles cited above (note 14) and Panofsky, ‘ “Virgo et Victrix” ‘, pp. 24-28.

26 Hutton, p. 126. See Greek Anthol., xvi, 275; Ausonius, ed. &tr. Hugh G. Evelyn White (London, 1919), II, 174-175.

27 For the various accounts and their classical sources see Graves, Robert, The Greek Myths (Baltimore, 1955), 1,30, 33-35, 39-41,125-127.Google Scholar For detailed surveys of the place of Nemesis in the ancient world see: Hermann Posnansky, Nemesis und Adrasteia (Breslau, 1890, Breslauer philologische Abhandlungen v, 2); Tournier, Edouard, Nemesis et la jalousie des dieux (Paris, 1863)Google Scholar; Bernhard Schweitzer, ‘Dea Nemesis Regina'.Ja/irfcwrfj des Archäologischen Instituts, XLVI: iii (1931), 175-246; Roscher, W. H., Ausführliches Lexicon der griechischen und römischen Mytholagie (Leipzig, 1884-1924)Google Scholar, in, cols. 117 ff.; also the cited articles in Daremberg-Saglio-Pottier and Pauly-Wissowa-Kroll.

28 Sec, for example, Lilio Gregorio Giraldi, Historiae deorum gentilium syntagma ﹛Opera omnia, Basle, 1580), p. 447; Natale Conti, Mythologiae (Venice, 1551), bk. IX, ch. xix; Vincenzo Cartari, Imagini de i Dei degli antichi (Venice, 1571), pp. 464-466. These works were first published, respectively, in 1548, 1551, and 1556.

29 See Graves, 1, 206-208.

30 See Schweitzer, pp. 175-180.

31 Historia Romanorum, XIV, xi, 25-26. Did Dürer perhaps derive his chalice and sphere from this passage, intending them to represent the fatal urn and the moon?

32 Harpocrates, the manifestation of Horus-as-infant, was originally depicted sucking his finger; but, quite understandably, the gesture was misinterpreted as an admonition to silence, and therefore he became, so to speak, the patron of close-mouthedness. With Nemesis it of course represented an adjuration to moderation in speech.

33 See, for example, Pauly-Wissowa-Kroll, XVI, 2375.

34 Emile Mâle, The Gothic Image, tr. Dora Nussey (New York, 1958), p. 110 , says that the four virtues were taken by St. Ambrose (De Paradiso, III, 14-18) from Plato and adapted to Christian thought. Since Ambrose was a great admirer of Cicero, and modeled his De officiis ministrorum on that author's De officiis, which treats of the cardinal virtues, was if not more likely his source than the Republic? See St. Ambrose, Hcxameron, Paradise, and Cain and Abel, tr. John J. Savage (New York, 1961, The Fathers of the Church XLII ) , pp. vii-viii.

35 See Mâle, pp. 98-109.

36 Doubtless the idea must have had much the same connotation it popularly has today. Adolf Katzenellenbogen, Allegories of the Virtues and Vices in Mediaeval Art (London, 1939, Studies of the Warburg Institute x), p. 55, notes that the attributes for the cardinal virtues, save those of Temperance, were established in Carolingean times. Then Temperance was shown holding a torch and pouring out a jug of water, the former standing for the fire of lust, the latter, for the means of extinguishing it. But in the eleventh century these attributes were exchanged for the jugs or bottles, which from then on into the Renaissance were her most common accompaniments. For further studies of medieval concepts of the virtues, see: Katzenellenbogen, Die Psychotnachie in der Kunst des Mittelalters (Hamburg, 1933); Richard Stettiner, Die illustrierten Prudentius-Handschriften (Berlin, 1895-1905); Samuel C. Chew, The Virtues Reconciled (Toronto, 1947); Antonio Barzon, Le Virtu nella Sala delta Ragione in Padova e nell’ art medievale (Padua, 1920); Male, The Gothic Image, pp. 98-130, also L'Art religieux de la fin du moyen age en France (4th ed., Paris, 1931), pp. 295-346.

37 See, for example, Male, L'Art religieux du XII siecle en France (3d ed., Paris, 1928), pp. 1-44.

38 Greene, Robert, Plays andPoems, ed. Collins, J. Churton (Oxford, 1905), II, 223-235.Google Scholar

39 Such poems, for example, as those on pp. 238-242 of the above volume (e.g., ‘Verses vnder a Picture of Fortune', ‘Tempora Mutantur, et Nos Mutamur in Mis', ‘Verses Written vnder the Portraiture of Venus', ‘Verses vnder a Caruing of Cupid Blowing Bladders in the Ayre’) are quite emblematic both in spirit and in inspiration.

40 See Panofsky, Albrecht Dürer, I, 80.

41 Bernard Rackham, ‘The Berney Collection of Italian Maiolica', Burlington Magazine of Art LXI (1932), 200-219, pl. II D.

42 Hieroglyphka (Frankfort, 1678), p. 448. A similar statement and comparison, also under ‘Temperantia', is to be found in bk. XLvm, ch. xx (p. 606). But under ‘Nemesis' (LIV, xi, p. 677) neither cubit nor bridle is mentioned, the attributes there (apple branch, staghorn crown, cup, Ethiop) being drawn from Pausanias’ description of the Rhamnusian statue.

43 For reproductions and discussion see Didron, ‘Iconographie des quatres vertus cardinales', Annates archeologiques x x (1870), 40-56; Male, L'Art religieux de lafin du moyen Age, pp. 311-328.

44 The tradition seems to have centered around Rouen in the fifteenth century. Of the figures in the last-named manuscript, Male says (ibid., p. 316), ‘Je suis convaincu qu'une oeuvre si froidement extravagante n'a pu etre concue que par quclque illustre pedant, quelque futur laureat des palinods ou des chambres de rhetorique. Ce qui est certain, c'est qu'aucun livre de morale ecrit par un theologien, aucun traite populaire redige par un clerc ne nous presente les Vertus sous cet aspect. Pour pouvoir comprendre les attributs de ces etranges Vertus, j ‘ a i parcouru, je crois, a peu pres toute la litterature morale du xv° siecle, sans rien trouver de satisfaisant; j'allais y renoncer, quand un heureux hasard me fit mettre la main sur les vers inedits qui rendaient raison de tous les details de l'ceuvre a expliquer. Cela prouve que ces figures de Vertus ne doivent rien a la tradition et a l'enseignement theologiques, mais sont nees de la fantaisie individuelle.’ The verses of which he speaks are emblem-like explanations that occupy a part of each miniature, and which are also included in the Rouen Library MS. Male also makes the point that the clock and often the bridle became in parts of France the normal attributes for sixteenth-century Temperances.

45 The Rouennais verses (Male, p. 313), however, do not say so:

46 C. 1470—though Didron thought them earlier.

47 Among ‘provincialised and degenerate representations of the cardinal virtues in male form’ on a twelfth-century capital in the church at Volvic, Puy-de-Dome, Temperance is again shown with a sword (Katzenellenbogen, p. 53). But the sword is most often associated with Justice. However, see note 52 below.

48 Besides the passages cited in note 18 above, see Nic. Eth. III, 1117b-1118b; VII, 1145a-1152a.

49 In Nic. Eth. VII, 1151b-1152a, Aristotle notes that the two terms are often used interchangeably, but that they should not be, since temperance is instinctive and continence is willful. In the table of means and extremes given in Eud. Eth., n, 1221a, it is interesting, and perhaps significant, that nemesis immediately follows sophrosync.

50 ‘Bonum autem refraenandi passiones principaliter invenitur in passionibus quas maxime difficile est reprimere, scilicet in delectationibus tactus’ (1-11, 61, iii); ‘… scilicet eligere, ad temperantiam, ut aliquis non ex passione, sed ex electione agat, passionibus refraenatis' (1-11, 61, iv); etc.

51 ‘Moralis autem virtus proprie est perfectiva appetitivae partis animae circa aliquam determinatam materiam. Mensura autem et regula appetitivi motus circa appetibilia est ipsa ratio. Bonum autem cuiuslibet mensurati et regulati consistit in hoc quod conformetur suae regulae, sicut bonum in artificiatis est ut sequatur regulam artis. Malum autem per consequens in huiusmodi est per hoc quod aliquid discordat a sua regula vel mensura. Quod quidem contingit vel per hoc quod superexcedit mensuram, vel per hoc quod deficit ab ea, sicut manifeste apparet in omnibus regulatis et mensuratis. Et ideo patet quod bonum virtutis moralis consistit in adaequatione ad mensuram rationis. Manifestum est autem quod inter excessum et defectum medium est aequalitas sive conformitas. Unde manifeste apparet quod virtus moralis in medio consistit’ (1-11, 64, i ad I, 3). The primary meaning of regula is ‘stick', ‘staff', or ‘ruler'; but it is highly doubtful that this fact had anything to do with the cubitus.

52 The sword of Giotto's Temperance may possibly have been borrowed from Justice, on St. Thomas’ authority that all virtue is really indivisible. Curiously, twice it turns up in the hands of an emblematic Nemesis. Alciati's Emblemata XLVI and XLIV— the first of which Whitney also borrowed (p. 139)—present Nemesis and Hope as opposing forces. Since no attributes are mentioned in the text, however, nearly all the illustrators took over for Nemesis those of Emblema XXVII; but in the Augsburg edition she is accorded, along with the bridle, the broadsword. Did the artist know Giotto's picture of Temperance, as well as (apparently) Dürer's of Nemesis?

53 See The Book of Vices and Virtues, ed. W. Nelson Francis (London, 1942, E.E.T.S. 217), pp. xi-xix. It is perhaps significant that Lorens was prior of St. Jacques in Paris during the time that Aquinas was there (1269-1272).

54 P. 283.

55 As is well known, Dante has the sinners on the first four cornices of Purgatory figuratively scourged by ‘whips’ and checked by ‘bridles'. Perhaps the second image was derived somehow from scholastic thinking, though probably the two conjoined were so obvious to an equestrian age that they required no literary basis. At any rate, no doubt Dante's use of the bridle helped reinforce it as a symbol.