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HOW EXPLICIT KNOWLEDGE AFFECTS ONLINE L2 PROCESSING

Evidence from Differential Object Marking Acquisition

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 May 2015

Sible Andringa  and
Maja Curcic
Sible Andringa*
Affiliation:
University of Amsterdam
Maja Curcic
Affiliation:
University of Amsterdam
*
*Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Sible Andringa, Amsterdam Center for Language and Communication, University of Amsterdam, Spuistraat 134, 1012 VB, Amsterdam, the Netherlands. E-mail: s.j.andringa@uva.nl
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Abstract

Form-focused instruction studies generally report larger gains for explicit types of instruction over implicit types on measures of controlled production. Studies that used online processing measures—which do not readily allow for the application of explicit knowledge—however, suggest that this advantage occurs primarily when the target structure is similar in the first language (L1) and the second language (L2). This study investigated how explicit knowledge of a structure that does not exist in the L1 affects the initial stage of adult L2 acquisition. Fifty-one Dutch L1 speakers received a short auditory exposure (instruction) to a new language that included differential object marking (DOM), in which animate but not inanimate direct objects are preceded by a preposition. For 26 learners, the instruction was complemented by a brief rule explanation. Afterward, learners’ online processing and explicit knowledge of DOM were measured by means of eye-tracking (visual world paradigm) and oral grammaticality judgments. Results show that metalinguistic information promoted learners’ performance on the grammaticality judgment task. Although differences between the groups were also found on the eye-tracking measure, learners were not able to use DOM to predict the following object.

Type
Articles
Information
Studies in Second Language Acquisition , Volume 37 , Special Issue 2: New Directions in the Study of Implicit and Explicit Learning , June 2015 , pp. 237 - 268
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2015 

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