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The past and monastic debate in the time of Bernard of Clairvaux

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 March 2016

Christopher Holdsworth*
Affiliation:
University of Exeter

Extract

The period from the earlier decades of the eleventh century to the middle of the twelfth is characterized by a number of great debates on subjects which arose out of some of the most significant aspects of the institutions of the time. There was the struggle, that between kingdoms and priesthood, or empire and papacy as it has sometimes misleadingly been called, reflected in the huge folio volumes simply entitled Libelli de Lite. At a rather rarer, theological level, there was a great argument about the sacraments, particularly the Eucharist, which had implications both for the status of the clergy (in particular their links with their lay patrons), and for relations between those churches which looked to Rome for their guidance and those which, if they focused anywhere, looked to Constantinople. Somewhat between these two levels, people argued about the right relationship between secular and regular clergy, while within the monastic family there was dispute about the best way in which men, and to a much lesser degree women, could make their route heavenwards. A great deal no doubt was said about all these issues at the time which has now evaporated, but much was written down, the residue which survives making up a series of the most sustained discussions in the West on any kind of subject since the great theological controversies of the fourth and fifth centuries.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 1997

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References

1 Morris, Colin, The Papal Monarchy. The Western Church from 1050 to 1250 (Oxford, 1989), pp. 2833, 3478 Google Scholar and Lawrence, C. H., Medieval Monasticism. Forms of Religious Life in Western Europe in the Middle Ages (London and New York, 1984), pp. 12545 Google Scholar, for the background to this paragraph.

2 Libelli de Lite Imperatorum et Pontificum saeculis XI et XII conscripti, ed. E. Dümmler et al., MCH, 3 vols (1891-7).

3 See, for example, Zerbi, Piero, ‘“Vecchio” e “Nuovo” monachesimo alla metà del seculo XII’, in Istituzioni monastiche e istituzioni canonicali in occidente (1123-1215), Miscellanea del’Centro di Studi Medioevali, 9 (1980), pp. 324.Google Scholar

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6 Wilmart, André, ‘Une riposte de l’ancien monachisme au manifeste de Saint Bernard’, Revue Bénédictine, 46 (1934), pp. 296344 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Knowles, Cistercians and Cluniacs, p. 31 n. 2. There he called it ‘a late defence’: the adjective disappears in 1963, Knowles, Historian and Character, p. 74 n. 1.

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9 Ibid., pp. 162–3, 171, esp. p. 162 n. 426.

10 Knowles, David, ‘Peter the Venerable: champion of Cluny’. JEH, 19 (1968), p. 215.Google Scholar

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12 Ibid., p. 18 n. 1.

13 Knowles, ‘Peter the Venerable’, p. 215.

14 Constable, Giles, The Letters of Peter the Venerable, 2 vols (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), 2, pp. 2704 Google Scholar for a beautifully clear discussion. Rudolph, , The ‘Things’, pp. 20911 Google Scholar, believes Peter wrote first. I have discussed his view in ‘The early writings of Bernard of Clairvaux’, Ctteaux, 45 (1994), pp. 48–50.

15 Ibid., pp. 22–7 for the generally accepted dating, pp. 27–61 for a new one.

16 Some readers may recall the notice standing beside the beech tree in which Piglet lived with its portentous message, ‘Trespassers W.’: Milne, A. A., Winnie-the- Pooh (London, 1926), p. 32.Google Scholar

17 Despite its narrow title Holdsworth, C., ‘The chronology and character of early Cistercian legislation on art and architecture’, in Norton, Christopher and Park, Davi, eds., Cistercian Art and Architecture in the British Isles (Cambridge, 1986), pp. 4055 Google Scholar, surveys the problem to 1985. For a rather different view see Auberger, Jean Baptiste, L’Unanimité cistercienne primitive: mythe ou réalite? (Achel, 1986), pp. 4252 Google Scholar, esp. at p. 50 on the letters. The same views are in idem, ‘La Législation cistercienne primitive et sa relecture claravallienne’, in Colloque de Lyon-Cîteaux-Dijon, Bernard de Clairvaux, Histoire, Mentalités, Spiritualité, Sources Chrétiennes, 380 (Paris, 1992), pp. 181–208.

18 Exordium Parvum, 1.2, XII.5, ed. and trans. François de Place, Ghislain, Gabriel, Christophe, Jean-Christophe, Cîteaux documents primitifs (Cîteaux, 1988), pp. 26 Google Scholar, 40 [hereafter Ex Parv.].

19 Ex Parv., II.3 (p. 28). The message of the much shorter so-called Exordium Cistercii, 1.4 (ed. cit., p. 113) is fundamentally similar.

20 Ex. Parv., XV.2-5 (pp. 44–6): the most accessible edition of Dialogues II is PL. 66, cols 125–204; that in Grégoire le Grand: Dialogues, ed. A. de Vogüé, trans. P. Aubin, 3 vols (Paris, 1978–80), is very much better.

21 I use the translation by L. J. Lekai in his The Cistercians: Ideals and Reality (Kent, Ohio, 1977), p. 459.

22 Ex. Parv., XV, 13–14 (pp. 46–8).

23 Ex. Paw., XV, 7 (p. 46).

24 Constable, Giles, Monastic Tithes from their Origins to the Twelfth Century (Cambridge, 1964), pp. 434 Google Scholar, esp. p. 43 n. 3.

25 See Holdsworth, , ‘The chronology and characterGoogle Scholar. The phrase ‘as the Rule prescribes’ or its equivalent is often sounded.

26 Southern, R. W., ‘Aspects of the European tradition of historical writing: 4, the sense of the past’, TRHS, 5th ser., 23 (1977), pp. 24363.Google Scholar

27 Smalley, Beryl, ‘Ecclesiastical attitudes to novelty c. 1100-c.1250’, SCH, 12 (1975), pp. 11331.Google Scholar

28 For the dates see Holdsworth, , ‘The early writings’, Letter One, p. 40 Google Scholar: the Apology, pp. 39–54.

29 Ep. 1.8: Sancti Bernardi Opera [hereafter SB Op], ed. J. Leclercq, H. M. Rochais, and C. H. Talbot, 8 vols (Rome, 1957–77), 7, p. 6; James, Bruno Scott, The Utters of St. Bernard of Clairvaux (London, 1953), p. 8.Google Scholar

30 Holdsworth, ‘The early writings’, p. 52

31 Ep. 84 bis: SB Op, 7, p. 219. Bruno Scott James did not know this letter. There is a translation in The Works of Bernard of Clairvaux, 1. Treatises I, by Jean Leclercq, Cistercian Fathers, 1 (Shannon, 1970) [hereafter Works], pp. 5–6.

32 See, for example, his references to Noah, Daniel and Job, Martha and Mary, and Joseph: Apology, III.5: SB Op, 3, pp. 84–6; Works, 1, pp. 38–9.

33 Apology, V.11: SB Op, 3, pp. 90–1; Works, 1, pp. 45–6.

34 Regula Sancti Benedirti, 73.5; The Rule of St. Benedict in Latin and English with Notes, ed. Timothy Fry (Collegeville, Minn., 1981), pp. 296–7.

35 Apology, IX.19: SB Op, 3, pp. 96–7: Works, 1, pp. 54–5.

36 Ibid., IX.23 (for both the early monks and abbots of Cluny): SB Op, 3, p. 100: Works, 1, pp. 58–9.

37 Ward, Benedicta, ‘The desert myth. Reflections on the desert ideal in early Cistercian monasticism’, in Pennington, M. Basil, ed., One Yet Two: Monastic Tradition East and West, Cistercian Studies, 29 (Kalamazoo, Mi., 1976), pp. 1923 Google Scholar. Peter Damian, for example, was even reminded of Paul and Anthony when he visited Cluny: Baker, Derek, ‘“The whole world a hermitage”: ascetic renewal and the crisis of western monasticism’, in Meyer, Marc A., ed., The Culture of Christendom. Essays in Medieval History in Memory of Denis L. T Bethell (London and Rio Grande, 1993), p. 220.Google Scholar

38 Apology, X.24: SB Op, 3, p. 101: Works, 1, pp. 59–61.

39 Olsen, Glenn, ‘The idea of the Ecclesia primitiva in the writings of the twelfth-century canonists’, Traditio, 25 (1969), pp. 668.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

40 William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum Anglorum, IV.334-7 in W. Stubbs, ed. Willelmi Malmesbiriensis monachi. Degestís regum anglorum, libri quinqué; Historiae novella? libri tres, 2 vols, RS, (London, 1889), 2, pp. 380–5. French translation and commentary in de Place et al., Cîteaux documents, pp. 171–83.

41 Cesta Regum, IV.334 and 335 (Stubbs, Willelmi Malmesbiriensis, 2, pp. 381–2; de Place et al., Cîteaux documents, pp. 174–7). For a fine discussion of the debate see Constable, Giles, ‘Renewal and reform in religious life: concepts and realities’, in Benson, Robert L. and Constable, Giles with Lanham, Carol D., eds, Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century (Cambridge, Mass., 1982), pp. 612.Google Scholar

42 E.g. Bernard of Clairvaux to Henry Murdac: ‘Quam libenter suas crustas rodendas litteratoribus Iudaeis relinqueres! … O quam libens partirer tibi calidos panes quod utique adhuc fumigantes, et quasi modo de furno, ut aiunt, recens tractos, de caelesti largitate crebro Christus suis pauperibus frangit!’ SB Op, 7, p. 266: Scott James, Letters, pp. 155–6.

43 Wilmart, ‘Une riposte’, pp. 306–9.

44 Knowles, David, Brooke, C. N. L., and London, Vera C. M., The Heads of Religious Houses in England and Wales 940–1216 (Cambridge, 1972), p. 63,Google Scholar for a better chronology than Wilmart.

45 Personal communication.

46 Hugh of Rouen, Dialogorum Libri VII, pref., to Matthew: ‘Nos enim et und generis consanguinitas et ejusdem professionis in Christo junxit societas … quos Laudunense solum educavit et docuit; PL, 192, col. 1141.

47 Apology, V.10: SB Op, 3, p. 90: Works, 1, p. 45.

48 Apology, IX.23 (see n. 36 above): Wilmart, ‘Une Riposte’, pp. 311–14.

49 Regula, 64.19, cf. 64.18, 70.6 (Fry edn, pp. 283, 292).

50 Wilmart, ‘Une riposte’, p. 327: ‘Die, obsecro, bone abbas, die, sodes, quomodo, hec iocosa dicendo, ilium regule locum adimples, ubi scur[r]ilitatem et uerba risum mouencia pater Benedictus eterna dampnat clausura?’ Cf. Regula, VI.9, ‘Scurrilitates vero vel verba otiosa et risum moventia aeterna clausura in omni locis damnamus’. I have followed the translation by Justin McCann, The Rule of Saint Benedict (London, 1952), p. 37.

51 Wilmart, ‘Une riposte’, p. 317: ‘Atque, secundum historialem intelligentiam de qua presenter agimus ….’

52 Van Engen, John H., Rupert of Deutz (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London, 1983), pp. 81, 322, 333.Google Scholar

53 Rupert of Deutz, Super quaedam capitula Regulae divi Benedicti abbatis, PL, 170, cols 477–538.

54 Van Engen, Rupert, p. 314: Canivez, J.-M., ‘Camp’, Dictionnaire d’histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques, 11 (Paris, 1949), col. 618 gives 1123.Google Scholar

55 Van Engen, Rupert, p. 12.

56 Constable, ‘Renewal and reform’, p. 44.

57 Van Engen, Rupert, p. 324.

58 Ibid., pp. 314–23. He notes, very helpfully, places where Rupert and Peter the Venerable use similar arguments.

59 Rupert, Super quaedam capitula, II. xiii: PL, 170, col. 509.

60 Ibid., II. xiii: PL. 170, cols 508–9.

61 Regula, 15 (Fry edn, pp. 210–11).

62 McKitterick, Rosamund, The Frankish Kingdoms under the Carolingians (London and New York, 1983), pp. 11316 Google Scholar for this and other issues debated in the twelfth century. I am grateful to Dr McKitterick for drawing my attention to these similarities: few historians of the Cistercians refer to them, but see Lackner, Bede, Eleventh-Century Background of Citeaux, Cistercian Studies, 8 (Washington, D.C., 1972), pp. 359 Google Scholar. There is room for more study of the question. The only quotation from Carolingian legislation I noticed occurs in Idung of Prüfening (c. 1155), Dialogue, 11.42: Cistercians and Cluniacs. The Case of Citeaux. A Dialogue between Two Monks. An argument on Four Questions by Idung of Prüfening, trans. Jeremiah O’Sullivan, Cistercian Fathers, 33 (Kalamazoo, Mi., 1977), p. 87.

63 Super quaedam, II. xiv: PL, 170, col. 509: ‘quo tempore beatus Benedictus hanc Regulam scripsit, necdum sic ordinata fuerunt tempora in Ecclesia Romana, sive stationes, et sacra totius anni officia.’

64 Ibid., III. xiii: PL, 170 cols 520–1.

65 Ibid., III. xvi: PL, 170, cols 523–4.

66 Ibid., III. xvii; PL, 170, cols 524–6.

67 Ibid., III. iv-vi: PL, 170 cols 513–15.

68 Regula, 41.3 (Fry edn, p. 240).

69 Super quaedam, III. vii: PL, 170, col. 515.

70 Ibid., III. vii: PL, 170, col. 515.

71 Cf.Hugh Farmer, David, The Oxford Dictionary of Saints (Oxford, 1978), p. 273.Google Scholar

72 Super quaedam, III. xi: PL, 170, cols 519–20.

73 Ibid., PL, 170, col. 520. The term ‘status’ was used over thirty years later by the German Premonstratensian, Anselm of Havelberg, in his extraordinary, and much discussed, brief history of the world; cf. Smalley, ‘Novelty’, pp. 124–5.

74 Van Engen, Rupert, p. 94; cf. pp. 282–91 for events coming into his De victoria Verbi Dei.

75 Constable, Letters, 1, pp. 52–101.

76 Letter 28, p. 57: Constable’s annotation refers to Dialogues, II.3 (C. Halm, ed., Sulpicii Severi, Libri qui supersunt. Corpus Scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum, 1 [Vienna, 1866], p. 183).

77 Ep. 28.viii, pp. 70–1.

78 Ep. 28.xviii, pp. 81–7: cf. p. 96 above.

79 Ep. 28.ii, pp. 58–62.

80 See Constable’s notes, p. 61.

81 Ep. 111, pp. 274–99.

82 Cf. the admirable edition by Constable, G. and Smith, B.,Libellus de diversis ordinibus et professionibus qui sunt in æcclesia, OMT (Oxford, 1972)Google Scholar.

83 Works not discussed below are a reply of the Benedictine abbots to Matthew of Albano (see n. 84); a letter of Archbishop Thurstan of York to William of Corbeil, Archbishop of Canterbury; a letter of Theobald of Étampes to Thurstan, and an anonymous Benedictine reply; the ‘Golden Letter’ of William of Saint-Thierry; the second anonymous reply to St Bernard (see n. 7 above); the Dialogues of Anselm of Havelberg (see n. 73 above); the Dialogue of Idung of Prüfening (see n. 62 above).

84 The whole dossier has recently been re-edited by Ceglar, Stanislaus, ‘William of Saint Thierry and his leading role at the first chapters of the Benedictine Abbots (Reims 1131, Soissons 1132)’ in William of St. Thierry. A Colloquium at the Abbey of St. Thierry, trans. Carfantan, Jerry, Cistercian Studies, 94 (Kalamazoo, Mi., 1987), pp. 34112 Google Scholar. Matthew’s letter is at pp. 65–86.

85 Ceglar, ‘William’, pp. 79–81: cf. Ex Parv., xvii.6-8 (de Place et al., Citeaux documents, pp. 50–1), capitula, xxv-xxvi (ibid., pp. 134–5), Apology, XH.28-9 (SB Op, 3, pp. 104–6: Works, 1, pp. 63–6).

86 Letters 5–7: the best edition for 5–6 is by J. T. Muckle, ‘The letter of Heloise on religious life and Abelard’s first reply’, Mediaeval Studies, 17 (1955), pp. 240–81, and for 7 by T. P. McLaughlin, ‘Abelard’s rule for religious women’, Mediaeval Studies, 18 (1956), pp. 241–92. There is a very useful translation in The Letters of Abelard and Heloise, trans. Betty Radice (Harmondsworth, 1974), pp. 159–269, although she only summarizes Letter 6.

87 Letter 7; Muckle, ‘Letter of Heloise’, p. 206. The same passage is in Idung, Dialogue (see n. 62 above), I, 51 (p. 52). Augustine, De Baptismo, III. vi (PL, 43, col. 143) probably was the source for medieval quotations, but the sentiment is in Tertullian, Liber de Virginibus Velandis, I: ‘Sed Dominus noster Christus veritatem se, non consuetudinem cognominavit.’ (PL, 2, col 937). I owe this suggestion to the Revd Prof. Stuart Hall.

88 The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis, VIII, 26, ed. and trans. Marjorie Chibnall, 6 vols, OMT (Oxford, 1969–80), 4, pp. 311–27. For the date of Book VIII, p. xix. Orderic’s mention of Domus Dei, i.e. Noirlac, founded 1136, means that Dr Chibnall’s suggestion that this part ‘was written in 1135 or possibly 1136’ needs minor reformulation: cf.Holdsworth, , ‘Orderic, traditional monk and the new monasticism’, in Greenway, Diana, Holdsworth, Christopher, and Sayers, Jane, eds, Tradition and Change. Essays in honour of Marjorie Chibnall (Cambridge, 1985), p. 25.Google Scholar

89 Benedicta Ward, ‘The desert myth’, pp. 183–99, esp. 190–1.

90 Holdsworth, ‘Orderic, traditional monk’, pp. 26–7.

91 Stephen’s travels are summarized by Lekai, The Cistercians, p. 17. See also Cowdrey, H.E.J., ‘ Quidam frater Stephanus nomine, anglicus natione: the English background of Stephen Harding’, Revue Bénédictine, 101 (1991), pp. 32240 CrossRefGoogle Scholar: for Bruno’s inspiration, see Ward, ‘The desert myth’, p. 192.

92 Vita Prima, I.vii: PL, 185, col. 247. For the date see A. H. Bredero, Etudes sur la ‘Vita Prima’ de Saint Bernard (Rome, 1960), pp. 100–1.

93 Constable, Giles, ‘The letter of Peter of St John to Hatto of Troyes’, in Constable, Giles and Kritzeck, James, eds, Petrus Venerabilis, 1156–1956, Studia Anselmiana, 40 (1956), pp. 3852.Google Scholar

94 Ibid., Constable’s trans, pp. 47–8, Latin, p. 51.

95 Exordium Magnum Cisterciense sive Narratio de initio Cisterciensis ordinis auctore Conrado, ed. Bruno Griesser (Rome, 1961), I, i-ii, iii-v, vi-ix, pp. 48–60.

96 These matters are contentious: for a measured account see Morris, Papal Monarchy, pp. 250–7.

97 For the English evidence see Holdsworth, Christopher, ‘The reception of St Bernard in England’, in Elm, Kaspar, ed., Bernhard von Clairvaux. Rezeption und Wirkung im Mittelalter und in der Neuzeit (Wiesbaden, 1994), pp. 16977.Google Scholar