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Little Brother be at Peace: The Priest as Holy Man in the Nineteenth-Century Ghetto
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 March 2016
Extract
I wonder whether we have not heard just a little too much of the secular element in functionalist theories as explanations of spiritual power at work within society. For while it is important to understand exactly how such power does its job, it does seem of equal if not far greater importance not to lose sight of its origins. Edward Thompson, for example, has presented a now often quoted summary of the virtues of the nineteenth century Catholic priest amongst the Irish poor of the ghetto. ...... ‘the only authority to whom the Irish labourers showed any deference; poorer; closer to the peasantry; literate but not far removed in class; free from identification with English employers; knowing the Gaelic, he brought news of home and .... relations and could be entrusted with remittances or messages.’ Is this why the priest held a place of honour in folk society, because he could be entrusted with anything from banking to pig keeping? Does it not seem odd that Thompson did not trouble to ask himself what the priest, a representative of everything ‘wholly other’, was doing in the slum in the first place? Had he done so I think he would have found that it was not by being spokesman for the evolutionary social services he held his power, but rather because he was, and instinctively was understood to be an objective bearer of holiness.
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References
1 Thompson, E. P., The Making of the English Working Class (London 1963) pp 437, 438-9Google Scholar. See also here Lowe, W. J., ‘The Lancashire Irish and the catholic church, 1846-71 the social dimension’, Irish Historical Studies vol 20 no 78 (1976-7) pp 129-55CrossRefGoogle Scholar the title of which speaks for itself. He does, however, manage a glimmer of recognition for the priest’s spiritual role pp 132-3, 134.
2 See here J. Bossy, ‘Review Article Holiness and Society’ PP 75 (1977) pp 131-2 for this understanding of peace.
3 Brown, [P.], [‘The Rise and Function of the Holy Man in Late Antiquity’] JRS, 61 (1971) p 87.Google Scholar
4 Compare Lees, [L. H.], Exiles of Erin, [Irish Immigrants in Victorian London,] (London 1979) pp 164–212 Google Scholar from whose account it would be difficult to deduce that the missionary Catholic Church had any spiritual motives.
5 Connolly, [G. P.], ‘Catholicism in Manchester [and Salford 1770-1850: the quest for le Chretien quelconque’,] (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, vols 1-3 Manchester University 1980), here see 1 pp 445-6, 3 pp 414-16.Google Scholar
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7 Ibid 1 pp 436-7 and Lancashire County Record Office, Liverpool Archdioccsan Archives RCLV, (uncatalogued collection). Bishop Thomas Smith to Rev. James Crook, 22 August 1825 for the problem of Irish itinerant priests.
8 The phrase is that of Bishop George Brown. See Connolly, , ‘Catholicism in Manchester’, 3 pp 437-79 for the cut and thrust of this.Google Scholar
9 Ibid 3 pp 343-6 for Hogg and for the incident to be related. There are a variety of sources for this and I have chosen to stay closest to the draft report of the investigation, [Leeds Diocesan Curia, Bishop John Briggs Papers.] Evidence [given before the Revs. Daniel Hearne and John Dowling of a miraculous cure,] 1839 [document 589A.]
10 Compare here Brown, p 87 for the importance of the hand of the classic holy man,‘an ancient and compact symbol of power’.
11 Birmingham Archdiocesan Archives, Rev. Thomas Sadler to Bishop John Milner 16 August 1817, A1117 and ibid Rev.] (Francis?) Crathome to Bishop Milner, 18 July 1817, A11135.
12 The relic is now in the keeping of Bishop’s Residence Wardley Hall, Salford.
13 Evidence 1839, contains Hogg’s own attestation of what took place.
14 Literally ‘to the gentlemen at St. Patrick’s chapel’, ibid. The term gentlemen to denote a priest was used amongst the Catholic clergy themselves, and amongst the more deferential of their congregations, especially the Irish.
15 Ibid Glassbrook probably operated from St. Mary’s Mulberry Street and it may well have been he who introduced Patrick to his object of devotion, though this is pure speculation, see Connolly, ‘Catholicism in Manchester’, 2 pp 205-6.Google Scholar
16 Lees, Exiles of Erin pp 168-9 and Henderson, G., Survivals in Belief among the Celts (Glasgow 1911) p 335 quoted by Lees.Google Scholar
17 See Brown, p 87 ‘The miracle is felt to be secondary: .… merely a proof of power at the disposal of the holy man. These miracles assume that the holy man is there to play a role in society based on his power (above, ‘power in action - xαρp ’evepyouρρ)...... The miracle condenses and validates a situation built up by more discreet means’.
18 The Harvest (Salford Diocesan Magazine) 45 (January 1932) p 16. Presumably Hogg’s supernatural visitor was excused, see above n 14.
19 C onnolly, , ‘Catholicism in Manchester’, 3 p 408 Google Scholar and Lectham, [C], Luigi Gentili. [A Sower for the Second Spring] (London 1965) p 257 Google Scholar. Three of the above schools were evening schools.
20 Presentation Convent, Livsey Street, Manchester, Annals of the Presentation Convent, (handwritten diary) p 16.
21 Connolly, ‘Catholicism in Manchester’, p 371 for this incident.
22 It was alleged that ‘by the poor he was almost worshipped’ ibid quoting Swindells, B. T., Manchester Streets and Manchester Men fifth series, (Manchester 1908) pp 176-7.Google Scholar
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25 Irish Poor in Britain pp 62, 75-6 for the prevalence of provincial animosities and the impossibility of policing Irish Town. See also Manchester Guardian 30 September 1840 for the famous ‘pitch penny riot’ this time in Little Ireland, the older and smaller twin of Irish Town, on the south side of Manchester.
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28 For the Brethren, Connolly, , ‘Catholicism in Manchester’, 2 pp 268-71.Google Scholar Also see ibid 2 pp 292-326, 354-5, 3 pp 393, 459-60 for the general problem of local Ribbon activity. Originally the Brethren had been formed with the alleged aim of diverting Catholics from secret societies.
29 Manchester Guardian 19 July 1834.
30 Jones, [T.], [‘The] Cholera [in Manchester, 1832’] (unpublished B.A. dissertation Manchester University 1948)Google Scholar is still the best local account. But see also Werly, J. M., ‘The Irish in Manchester 1832-49’, Irish Historical Studies, vol 18 no 71 (1972-3) p 356 CrossRefGoogle Scholar for its particularly savage effect upon Little Ireland.
31 Morris, [T.], Cholera [1832] (London 1976) pp 95–126 Google Scholar for the role of class, and also compare Irish Poor in Britain, pp 56-62.
32 Morris, Cholera pp 146-8 for the impression that the Christian and notably Catholic response to this crisis had more to do with the division between religion and science, and compare Jones, ‘Cholera’, p 70.
33 Connolly, , ‘Catholicism in Manchester’, 1 pp 187-8Google Scholar, 2 p 366 and Jones, ‘Cholera’, p 70. Crook’s chapel, St. Augustine’s, served Little Ireland beside which it stood.
34 For example see Irish Poor in Britain, pp 44-61, especially 54-61.
35 There are many and often conflicting reports of this incident. See ibid pp 57, 531 and also Manchester Guardian 8 September 1832, for the gist. Morris, Cholera pp 110-1 surprisingly does not even mention Hcarne, though this probably as he does not use local sources. See also Manchester City News 18 February 1905 and compare Liverpool Mercury 1, 8, 22 June 1832 for a parallel outburst.
36 For an interesting sidelight on this N. Cohn, Europe’s Inner Demons (St. Albans 1976) pp ix-x, 1-4, 8-9, 20, 112, 204-5, 219, 226, 228, 252, 259-60 explores the theme of infanticide in folk culture.
37 See Manchester Guardian 8 September 1832, and also The Catholic Magazine vol 2 no 20 (Birmingham September 1832) pp 592-5.
38 Connolly, , ‘Catholicism in Manchester’ 3 pp 384-96, 447-79Google Scholar for the L.N.R.A. Manchester and Salford.
39 Treble, J. H., ‘O’Connor, O’Connell and the attitudes of Irish Immigrants towards Chartism in the North of England’ The Victorians and Social Protest Butt, J., Clarke, I. F. eds, (Newton Abbot 1973) pp 47-8Google Scholar, and also Treble, ‘The IrishAgitation’, Popular Movements $$ 1830-50 Ward, J.T. ed (London 1970) p 162.Google Scholar
40 The Nation 29 June 1844. The occasion followed the arrest and imprisonment of the traversers, who, according to Hearne, held that the repeal of the union must be carried out ‘by peace, order and tranquility’ ibid.
41 Connolly, , ‘Catholicism in Manchester’ 2 p 289.Google Scholar
42 The Nation 29 June 1844.
43 Ibid.
44 Connolly, , ‘Catholicism in Manchester’ 2 pp 301-4, 353Google Scholar for this earlier and futile attempt and its effect on Hearne.
45 The Nation 3 December 1842, but compare also ibid 10 December 1842. Also see ibid 9 March, June 22 1844.
46 Ibid 29 June 1844. Compare Leetham, Luigi Centili p 257 for a less than fair assessment of Hearne’s role amongst the Irish. Against this see Connolly, ‘Catholicism in Manchester’ 3 pp 396-416.
47 Connolly, , ‘Catholicism in Manchester’ 3 pp 409, 446.Google Scholar
48 Ibid.
49 Ibid 3 pp 447-79. Compare here the often quoted claim by Gillow, Joseph, Biographical Dictionary of English Catholics 1-5 (London 1885-1902) 3 p 223 Google Scholar that Hearne had by his zeal ‘saved his parishioners from Socialism, Chartism and the like’ rendering them ‘sober united and peaceful’ with the ‘appreciation’ of Hearne’s talents by his fire-eating bishop, George Brown, [Archives of the Archdiocese of Westminster, Wiseman Correspondence, Bishop] George Brown to [Bishop] Griffiths 6 July 1846, [WI.2.866.]
50 Connolly, , ‘Catholicism in Manchester’ 3 pp 409-10, 447-8Google Scholar. Compare also The Nation 17 January 1846.
51 Connolly, , ‘Catholicism in Manchester’ 3 p 450.Google Scholar
52 Ibid 3 pp 450-1.
53 Ibid 3 p 451.
54 Older Irish Catholic families of Manchester still maintain distinctions based upon those who were either ‘for or against the Father’.
55 Bishop George Brown’s phrase, George Brown to Griffiths 6 July 1846. To be fair to Hearne he continued publicly to urge moderation to his supporters, who included Baptist Sebastian Treanor the Stalybridge radical, U.C.B. activist, confederate, Chartist ally and suspected ribbonman, and John Joseph Finnegan, alias ‘the shoemaker’, arrested as one of the organisers of the 1848 fiasco and later recruiting agent for the notorious Brotherhood of St. Patrick. It was his association with such as these that broke Hearne’s credibility.
56 Connolly, , ‘Catholicism in Manchester’ 3 pp 461-3Google Scholar and George Brown to Griffiths 6 July 1846.
57 George Brown to Griffiths 6 July 1846.
58 Connolly, , ‘Catholicism in Manchester’ 3 p 463-70.Google Scholar
59 Pagani, G. B., The Life of the Rev. Aloysius Cernili, Father of Charily (London 1851) pp 247-54.Google Scholar
60 Ibid p 251 et seq.