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The German protestant church and the Nazi party in the period of the seizure of power 1932–3
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 March 2016
Extract
It was clear to the German people who lived through the Nazi seizure of power that they were witnessing a process of profound political and social change. It seemed natural to those who were active Christians to ask what was the spiritual nature of this change? Did it offer hope of Christian renaissance and renewal? In retrospect it seems obvious that it did not and even surprising that Christians should have entertained hopes that it might. But, at the time, this was not at all obvious to millions of German protestants. The very volume of their publications centred on the year 1933 is eloquent testimony to the urgent need they felt to understand, explain and interpret what was going on around them. This paper is about the questions they asked and the reasons why the answers were not clear to them.
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- Research Article
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- Studies in Church History , Volume 14: Renaissance and Renewal in Christian History , 1977 , pp. 393 - 418
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- Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 1977
References
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39 Strasser to Kube, 17 December 1931, ibid NS 26 vol 1240.
40 Two copies of official gau instructions for the church elections are known, for Silesia published in CW 46, no 7 (1932) cols 331-3 (Wright, ‘Above Parties’ pp 93-4) and for the Ostmark in Bundesarchiv Sammlung Schumacher vol 205.
41 Hossenfelder to [Professor] Scholder and [Dr] Nicolaisen July 1970; AEAkZ.
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63 For the 1932 elections see Wright, ‘Above Parties’ pp 91-8. For the 1933 elections in different parts of the Reich see Schäfer, [Gerhard], Dokumentation [zum Kirchenkampf. Die Evangelische Landeskirche in Württemberg und der Nationalsozialismus], 2, [Um eine deutsche Reichskirche 1933] (Stuttgart 1972) pp 294–345 Google Scholar, Klügel, Eberhard, Die lutherische Landeskirche Hannovers und ihr Bischof 1933-1945 (Berlin/Hamburg 1964) pp 60-6Google Scholar, Baier, Helmut, Die Deutschen Christen Bayerns im Rahmen des bayerischen Kirchenkampfes (Nuremberg 1968) pp 51-6Google Scholar; also Schmidt, Jürgen, Martin Niemöller im Kirchenkampf, Hamburger Beiträge zur Zeitgeschichte, 8 (Hamburg 1971) pp 103-8Google Scholar and for vivid glimpses at grass roots level von Thadden, Reinhold, Auf verlorenem Posten? Ein Laie erlebt den evangelischen Kirchenkampf in Hillerdeutschland (Tübingen 1948) pp 73-4Google Scholar (about Pomerania), Hahn, ed Prater pp 25-7, Tügel, [Franz], Mein Weg [1888-1946. Erinnerungen eines Hamburger Bischofs], ed Nicolaisen, Carsten (Hamburg 1972) pp 245-6Google Scholar. For Nazi party and state intervention during the elections see Nicolaisen, , Dokumente, 1 pp 110-22Google Scholar.
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71 Die Reformation, no 17 (Berlin 4 September 1932).
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73 Ecke; circular 1 September 1931; Bundesarchiv, Sammlung Schumacher, vol 205.
74 It is interesting to see that Barth shared the view that their violent political method were the most distinctive feature of the German Christians even if this was because he felt their theological errors were so common; Theologische Existenz heute! pp 25-6.
75 ‘Von den deutschen Christen’, Vossische Zeitung (Berlin 25 October 1932); AEKU Gen III, 51/I Beiheft.
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77 Karow to Kapler 16 July 1932 enclosing his report of 14 July; AEKU Präsidialia II 46/IV Sekretakten.
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80 Reported by bishop Hans Meiser of Bavaria to a meeting of leaders of the Lutheran Landeskirchen 26 May 1933; Landeskirchliches Archiv Nuremberg, Repositorium 101 (Personen), No XXXVI Nachlaβ Landesbischof Meiser, vol 96 Verfassung der Reichskirche.
81 ‘Warum der Kirchenkommissar eingesetzt wurde. Die Gründe des Kultusministeriums’ Tägliche Rundschau (Berlin 28 June 1933).
82 Note of a conversation with professor Fezer on 24 May in a memorandum by Kapler 25 May; Archiv der Evangelischen Kirche in Deutschland, West Berlin, A 4 Deutsche Evangelische Kirche 1933, vol 24 der Reichsbischof. For Kapler’s policy see Wright, ‘Above Parties’ pp 117-37.
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89 Interview with the author 2 December 1965.
90 Wright, ‘Above Parties’ pp 111-17.