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The Protestant Earl and Godly Gael: The Fifth Earl of Argyll [c. 1538-73] and the Scottish Reformation

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 February 2016

Jane Dawson*
Affiliation:
University of Edinburgh
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Extract

Above the entrance doorway at Carnasserie Castle in mid-Argyll there is a finely carved panel containing the coat of arms of Archibald Campbell, fifth Earl of Argyll, and his first wife, Lady Jean Stewart. Along the foot of the panel, in the script employed in Gaelic manuscripts, there is a motto which reads: ‘DIA LE UA NDUIBH[N]E’ or ‘God be with Ó Duibhne.’ The designation Ó Duibhne referred to the fifth Earl of Argyll as chief of Clan Campbell. The inscription and its setting provide a perfect illustration of the different cultures and traditions which the fifth Earl combined in his personal and public life and permitted him to be both a Protestant earl and a godly Gael. The short Gaelic phrase of the motto was the first post-Reformation inscription within the Gaidhealtachd or Gaelic-speaking area, which covered the Highlands and Islands of Scotland.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 1999 

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References

1 Bannerman, J., ‘Two early post-Reformation inscriptions in Argyll’, Proceedings of the Scottish Antiquarian Society, 105 (1972-4), pp. 307–12.Google Scholar

2 The castle was described c.1630 as ‘builded be him [Carswell] to the Earle of Argyll’, MacFarlane’s Geographical Collections, 3 vols, Scottish History Society, 51-2, 55 (Edinburgh, 1906-8), 2, p. 149.

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8 Carswell, Foirm, p. 173.

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12 Knox, History, 1, p. 123.

13 Ibid., p. 132.

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32 18 Nov. 1565, PRO, SP 63/15, fols 172r-v.

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44 Argyll Inventory (RCAHMS), 1, pp. 103-5 (Campbeltown), 7, p. 75 (Inveraray); K. Steer and J. Bannerman, Late Medieval Monumental Sculpture in the West Highlands, RCAHMS (1977), nos 69 and 104, plates 11 and 12.

45 The Assembly records do not always contain sederunt lists, so it is not possible to be precise about the number of meetings Argyll attended between the first Assembly in December 1560 and his letter of apology on 28 July 1567 explaining why it was not safe for him to be present at future meetings: T. Thomson, ed., The Booke of the Universall Kirk. Proceedings of the General Assemblies of the Kirk of Scotland, 1560-1618 [hereafter BUK], Bannatyne and Maitland Clubs (Edinburgh, 1839-45), 1, p. 101.

46 This was achieved by the tax of a third on all ecclesiastical benefices which remained in the hands of their original possessors. The proceeds from the thirds was divided between the Kirk and the royal household: Accounts of the Collectors of the Thirds of Benefices, 1561-72, ed. G. Donaldson, Scottish History Society, 42 (Edinburgh, 1949).

47 The Countess of Argyll was required to make public repentance by the Kirk for acting as godmother in the royal baptism: BUK, 1, p. 117.

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53 Carswell’s letters in the Breadalbane collection, SRO, GD 112/39/5/10; 8/15; 9/16; 9/32; 10/5; 11/3. It is possible that Carswell was of Campbell stock so that Argyll was his clan chief by blood as well as personal loyalty, see the Campbell seal on his letter GD’ 112/39/5/10.

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55 Carswell, Foirm, pp. 174-6.

56 Ibid., p. 178.

57 Ibid., p. 179: ‘May almighty God, for the love of his dear son Jesus Christ, keep and comfort your mind and heart by his powerful Holy Spirit, that you may do this divine will which is revealed to you in his blessed law, may he pour out his grace and his great miracles with abounding favour on your people and on your country and on your men and on your tenantry, and especially on your ministers throughout all your dominion. So be it.’

58 In his dedication Carswell spoke of the whole translation project in the plural and then reverted to the singular voice when apologizing for his Gaelic style within the translation itself. Foirm, p. 177.

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64 8 April 1571, AT, VI, p. 158.

65 22 October 1569 AT, VI, p. 137.

66 Records of Argyll, p. 50.

67 This practice was described on 1 July 1574, less than a year after the fifth Earl had died, concerning one of the journeys of his brother, the sixth Earl. CSPSc, V, p. 34.

68 Description in John Davidson’s Memorial, in C. Rogers, ed., Three Scottish Reformers, Grampian Club, 9 (1876), pp. 114, 121.

69 See the description of MacLean’s household in a Gaelic poem, Bàrdachd Ghàidhlig, ed W.J. Watson (Inverness, 1976), p. 209, 11. 5596-7.

70 BUK, 1, pp. 270, 300, 314-15, 33T-2, 340, 350-2.

71 Marriage contract 1/5 July 1553, after betrothal 10 Dec. 1538, AT, V, pp. 25, 27. Original contract in Moray Muniments, NRA(S) 217 Box 15, no. 441.1 am grateful to Lord Moray for permission to consult his muniments.

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75 Ibid, pp. 148-9.

76 Ibid., pp. 262-3.

77 See letter from Countess of Argyll to Atholl, 2 July 1570, SRO, GD 112/39/8/1.

78 Act ‘anent thame that divertis fra utheris being joynit of befoir in lauchfull mariage’, Acts of Parliaments of Scotland, ed. T. Thomson and C. Innes, 12 vols (Edinburgh, 1814-42), 3, 1567-92, pp. 81-2; Riddell, J., Inquiry into the Law and Practice in Scottish Peerages (Edinburgh, 1842), pp. 546–55.Google Scholar

79 Knox explained his mild treatment of Bothwell as ‘a part of the obligation of our Scottish kindness’ as his ancestors had been beholden to the earls of Bothwell: Knox, History, 2, p. 38. He chose to place all the blame for Bothwell’s divorce upon the ‘papistical court’ but there was a double process using both the Commissary court of Edinburgh as well as the newly reconstituted Consistorial court of the Archbishop of St Andrews: ibid., p. 205 and n.; Donaldson, G., Mary Queen of Scots (London, 1974), p. 117.Google Scholar

80 Knox, History, 2, p. 74.

81 There was a similar tension between noble and clerical ideals over the issue of the bloodfeud, see Brown, K., The Bloodfeud in Scotland (Edinburgh, 1986), ch. 7.Google Scholar

82 Cross, C., The Puritan Earl: the Life of Henry Hastings Third Earl of Huntingdon, 1536-1595 (London, 1966).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

83 Ibid., p. xiv.

84 Argyll Inventory, 7, pp. 178, 547.

85 The date of the fifth Earl’s birth is uncertain, probably 1538, as given on the tomb, or possibly slightly earlier.

86 For an important modern exception see Wormald, J., ‘Trinces and the regions in the Scottish Reformation’, in Macdougall, N., ed., Church, Politics and Society: Scotland 1408-1929 (Edinburgh, 1983), pp. 6584.Google Scholar