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Community, Piety, and Family in Yorkshire Wills Between the Reformation and the Restoration

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 February 2016

Will Coster*
Affiliation:
De Montfort University, Bedford
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Extract

IN 1974 Margaret Spufford was able to describe wills as ‘largely unused by local historians’. Over the last quarter of a century this situation has changed radically, and wills have been called upon to provide evidence on subjects as diverse as popular piety, charity, literacy, economics, demography, and familial ties. In this process a divide has developed between religious historians, who have largely been concerned with the preambles of wills, and social historians, who have confined themselves to the content. This paper attempts to bridge that gap by examining the relationship of geography, status, and the life course, with the form and content of the wills.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 1999 

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References

1 Spufford, M., Contrasting Communities, English Villagers in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Cambridge, 1974), p. 56CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2 Ibid., pp. 333-4. See also commentary in Marsh, C., ‘In the name of God; will making and faith in early modern England’, in Martin, G. H. and Spufford, P., eds, The Records of the Nation (Woodbridge, 1990), p. 240Google Scholar.

3 The wills studied here are from BI, Probate Register, 9-42 and original wills for 1636-52/3; Archiepiscopal Register, 31, and Dean and Chapter Wills, 5.

4 For more details on the demography of these three parishes see W. Coster, Baptism and Spiritual Kinship in Early Modem England (forthcoming), ch. 4.

5 BI, Parish Registers of Bilton-in-Ainsty, Bil 1, 2.

6 Ibid.; Wakefield, West Yorkshire Archives [hereafter WYA], West Riding Hearth Tax Returns, 1672, 3590/31537, fols 361-362r 369r York, York City Archives, 1665 Hearth Tax Returns (Lady Day) M30:22; 1665 Account of the Number of Hearths (Michaelmas) M30:23; List of the Hearths and Stoves 1671 M30:25; 1674 Hearth Tax Returns M33:26.

7 Taylor, H., ed., The Parish Registers of Almondbury, Yorkshire Parish Register Society, 139 (1974)Google Scholar, 140 (1978), and with J. Taylor, 148 (1983), 153 (1988); and WYA, West Riding Hearth Tax Returns, 1672, 3590/31537, fol. 351r.

8 BI, Parish Registers of St Margaret’s, York, Y/Marg 1, 2; York, York City Archives, 1665 Hearth Tax Returns (Lady Day) M30:22; 1665 Account of the Number of Hearths (Michaelmas) M30:23; List of the Hearths and Stoves 1671 M30:25; 1674 Hearth Tax Returns M33:26.

9 For details of these jurisdictions see David M. Smith, ‘The exercise of the probate jurisdiction of the medieval archbishops of York’, pp. 123-44, above.

10 The parish of Bilton-in-Ainsty was also a prebendai peculiar of the dean and chapter of York, and thus parishioners should have had their wills proved in the peculiar court and filed separately. However, as with almost all peculiars at York, there are no significant records extant before 1660; it appears that wills from this parish were simply recorded (or perhaps processed) with those of the Exchequer court, since they have been copied into the Exchequer and Prerogative register beside those for the rest of the diocese.

11 The disruption of the Civil War and Interregnum meant that wills from this year to 1660 were never copied up into the registers.

12 Based on a sample of 17,932 wills indexed in F. Collins, A. Gibbons, and E. W. Crossley, eds, Index of Witts in the York Registry, Yorkshire Archaeological and Topographic Association (later the Yorkshire Archaeological Society), 1, 4, 6, 11, 14, 19, 22, 24, 26, 28, 32, 35, 49 (1885-1913).

13 Kitching, C., ‘Probate during the Civil War and Interregnum’, Journal of the Society of Archivists, 5 (1976), pp. 283–93 and 346–56.Google Scholar

14 Compare with Takahashi, M., ‘The number of wills proved in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries’, in Martin and Spufford, eds, Records of the Nation, pp. 187214Google Scholar.

15 Cf.Coppel, S., ‘Wills and the community: a case study of Tudor Grantham’, in Ridden, P., ed., Probate Records and the Local Community (Gloucester, 1985), p. 76Google Scholar.

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17 On the general structure of hierarchy see Wrightson, K., ‘The social order in early modern England: three approaches’, in Bonfield, L., Smith, R. M., and Wrightson, K., eds, The World We Have Gained: Histories of Population and Social Structure. Essays Presented to Peter Laslett on his Seventieth Birthday (Oxford, 1986), pp. 177202.Google Scholar

18 Based on Wrightson and Levine’s examination of titles and hearths in Wrightson, K. and Levine, D., Poverty and Piety in an English Village: Terling 1525-1700 (New York, 1979), pp. 80–4Google Scholar. For sources see notes 6, 7, 8 above.

19 Johnson, J. A., ‘The family and kin of the Lincolnshire labourer in the eighteenth century’, Lincolnshire History and Archaeology, 14 (1979), p. 47Google Scholar.

20 It is also noticeable that members of the gentry were more likely to have kin from outside the nuclear family in their households: see Laslett, P., The World We Have Lost-Further Explored, 3rd edn (London, 1983), p. 96Google Scholar.

21 On the nature of will creation see Spufford, M., ‘The scribes of villagers’ wills in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and their influence’, Local Population Studies, 7 (1971), pp. 2843Google Scholar; Richardson, R. C., ‘Wills and will-makers in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries: some Lancashire Evidence’, Local Population Studies, 9 (1972), pp. 3342Google Scholar.

22 The most interesting and important recent summary of the changes to the form of preambles is in Duffy, E., The Stripping of the Altars. Traditional Religion in England 1400-1580 (Yale, 1992), pp. 504–23Google Scholar.

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24 For example, Dickens, A. G., Lollards and Protestants in the Diocese of York, 2nd edn (London, 1982), pp. 171–2 and 215–21Google Scholar; idem, , The English Reformation (London, 1964), pp. 266–7Google Scholar.

25 Dickens, , Lollards and Protestants, p. 221Google Scholar.

26 Alsop, J. D., ‘Religious preambles in early modern English wills as formulae’, JEH, 40 (1989), pp. 1927Google Scholar; see also Capp, B., ‘Will formularies’, Local Population Studies, 14 (1975). p. 49Google Scholar; Mayhew, G., ‘The progress of the Reformation in East Sussex 1530-1559: the evidence from wills’, Southern History, 5 (1993), pp. 3667Google Scholar; Spufford, , Contrasting Communities, pp. 320–44Google Scholar; Zell, M., ‘The use of religious preambles as a measure of religious belief in the sixteenth century’, BIHR, 50 (1977), pp. 247–9Google Scholar.

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28 BI, Prob. Reg, 19a, fol. 686r, will of John Fyrthe, fol. 288v, will of John Glidehyll.

29 BI, original wills for 1637 (Pontefract Deanery), will of Gennet Cryer. However, unlike Hezekiah, she was not granted another fifteen years for her forethought: her will was proved in October the same year.

30 The term ‘life course’ has been used in preference to ‘life cycle’, which, it has been argued, should be reserved for the developmental stages of the family unit: see Hareven, T.K., ed., Transitions, the Family and the Life Course in Historical Perspective (New York, 1978)Google Scholar, Introduction, p. 6.

31 Cressy, D., ‘Kinship and kin interaction in Early Modern England’, P&P, 13 (1986), pp. 55–6Google Scholar.

32 Spufford, M., ‘Peasant inheritance customs and land distribution in Cambridgeshire from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries’, in Goody, J., Thirsk, J., and Thompson, E. P., eds, Family and Inheritance: Rural Society in Western Europe 1200-1800 (Cambridge, 1975), pp. 173–6Google Scholar.

33 See Coster, W., ‘“To bring them up in the fear of God”: guardianship in the Diocese of York 1500-1668’, Continuity and Change, 10 (1995), pp. 932CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

34 Swinburne, H., A Treatise of Testaments and Last Wills, Compiled Out of the Ecclesiastical, Civil and Cannon, as also out of the Common Laws, Customs and Statutes of the Realm, 5th edn (London, 1728), 3, vii, p. 201Google Scholar.

35 Based on figures in Laslett, The World We Have Lost, pp. 82, 96, 111.

36 Labras, H. and Watcher, K. W., ‘Living forebears in stable populations’, in Watcher, K. W., Hammel, E. A., and Laslett, P., eds, Statistical Studies of Historical Social Structure (New York, 1978), p. 176Google Scholar.

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38 BI. Prob. Reg., 21b, fol. 320r, will of Isabel Clerke, 1579.

39 Jordan, Philanthropy in England; idem, , The Charities of London 1480-1660, the Aspirations and Achievements of the Urban Society (London, 1960)Google Scholar; ‘The forming of the charitable institution of the West of England: a study of the changing pattern of social aspirations in Bristol and Somerset 1480-1660’, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, ns, 50 (8) (1960), pp. 5-99; The Charities of Rural England 1480-1660, the Aspirations and the Achievements of the Rural Society (London, 1961); Social Institutions in Kent 1480-1660 (Ashford, 1961); and Social Institutions of Lancashire, Chetham Society, ser. 3, 11 (1962).

40 Bittle, W. G. and Lane, R. T., ‘Inflation and philanthropy in England: a re-assessment of W. K. Jordan’s data’, EcHR, ser. 2, 29 (1976), pp. 203–10Google Scholar; Feingold, M., ‘Jordan revisited: patterns of charitable giving in sixteenth and seventeenth century England’, History of Education, 8 (1979), pp. 257–73Google Scholar; Hadwin, J. F., ‘Deflating philanthropy’, EcHR., ser. 2, 31 (1978), pp. 105–17Google Scholar; Owen, D., English Philanthropy 1660-1960 (Cambridge, MA, 1964)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Thompson, J. A. F., ‘Piety and charity in late medieval London’, JEH, 16 (1965), pp. 178–95Google Scholar.

41 These include, Brigden, S., ‘Religion and social obligation in early sixteenth-century London’, P&P, 103 (1984)Google Scholar; Burgess, C., ‘“By quick and by dead”: wills and pious provision in late medieval Bristol’, EHR, 405 (1987), pp. 837–58Google Scholar; idem, , ‘Late medieval wills and pious convention: testamentary evidence reconsidered’, in Hicks, M., ed., Profit, Piety and the Professions in Later Medieval England (Gloucester, 1990), pp. 1433Google Scholar; Burgess, C. and Kümin, B. A., ‘Penitential bequests and parish regimes in late medieval England’, JEH, 44 (1993), pp. 610–30Google Scholar; Heath, P., ‘Urban piety in the later middle ages: the evidence of Hull wills’, in Dobson, B., ed., The Church, Politics and Patronage in the Fifteenth Century (Gloucester, 1984), pp. 209–34Google Scholar; Marshall, P., The Catholic Priesthood and the English Reformation (Oxford, 1994)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Whiting, R., ‘“For the health of my soul”: prayers for the dead in the Tudor South West’, Southern History, 5 (1983), pp. 6894Google Scholar.

42 See Coster, Baptism and Spiritual Kinship, ch. 8.

43 BI, The Parish Register of Bilton in Ainsty, Bil. I. See also Coster, W., ‘“From fire and Water”: the responsibilities of godparents in early modern England’, in Wood, D., ed., The Church and Childhood, SCH, 31 (1994), pp. 301–11Google Scholar.

44 Those with this expectation include Thirsk, J., ed., The Agrarian History of England and Wales, 4 (Cambridge, 1967), p. 9Google Scholar, and James, M., Family, Lineage and Civil Society, a Study of Society, Politics and Mentality in the Durham Region 1500-1640 (Oxford, 1974), p. 4Google Scholar. For the counter view on highland parishes see Macfarlane, A., ‘The myth of the peasantry: family and economy in a northern parish’, in Smith, R. M, ed., Land, Kinship and Life-Cycle (Cambridge, 1984), pp. 67–9Google Scholar.

45 For details see Coster, W., Kinship and Inheritance in Early Modern England: Three Yorkshire Parishes, Borthurick Papers, 83 (1993), pp. 1112Google Scholar. For an urban comparison see Vann, R. T., ‘Wills and the family in an English town: Banbury 1550-1800’, Journal of Family History, 4 (1979), pp. 346–67CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and for some important comparisons between different forms of parish on a wider basis Johnson, J. A., ‘Family, kin and community in eight Lincolnshire parishes, 1567-1800’, Rural History, 6 (1995), pp. 179–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

46 Coster, , Kinship and Inheritance, pp. 1113Google Scholar.

47 For the relationship between plague and probate see Slack, P., The Impact of Plague in Tudor and Stuart England (London, 1985), pp. 54–9Google Scholar.