Published online by Cambridge University Press: 17 February 2016
‘Wonder not at our coming here, for unto you, Englishmen, God gave such a wondrous martyr, that he filleth nearly all the world with miracles.’ This admiring assertion, attributed to an archbishop and primate from the Nigros Monies – possibly Stephen, archbishop of Tarsus, which lies at the foot of. the Taurus Mountains in Armenia – provides a good introduction to the theme of this book, for it links Iceland, Canterbury and the eastern Mediterranean in a remarkable manner. The quotation comes from a lost life of St Thomas written in Latin by Robert of Cricklade, prior of St Frideswide in Oxford, who died in 1174; but it is known only from its transmission through one of the longest texts in Old Norse, the Thomas Saga Erkibyskups, compiled in Iceland through the thirteenth century from English Latin sources. This Anglo-Icelandic example, however, is only one part of an extraordinary phenomenon which saw the cult of the ‘wondrous martyr’ established, and not only at the official level, across the whole of the West, from Norway to Sicily and from Portugal to Poland, before the end of the twelfth century. The English martyr was probably depicted among the array of saints on the West front of Trondheim cathedral; his mosaic image stands next to that of St Silvester in the apse behind the high altar in Monreale; the headquarters of the Portuguese Templars at Tomar had a chapel with a reliquary containing fragments of his brains and blood; and French monks from Morimond brought the cult to Sulejów in the diocese of Gneisno in 1177.
1 William of Canterbury, Vita Sancti Thomae, Materials for the History of Tlwmas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, ed. J. C. Robertson and J. B. Sheppard, 7 vols, RS 67 (London, 1875–85, 1: 437–8 records a vision reported by him.
2 Orme, M., ‘A reconstruction of Robert of Cricklade’s Vita et Miracula S. Thomae’, An Bell 84 (1966), 379–98.Google Scholar
3 Thómas Saga Erkibyskups, ed. E. Magnússon, 2 vols, RS 65 (London, 1875–84, 2: 109.
4 See n. 92 below.
5 Duggan, A. J., ‘The Cult of St Thomas Becket in the Thirteenth Century’, in St Thomas Cantilupe Bishop of Hereford: Essays in his Honour, ed. Jancey, M. (Hereford, 1982), 21–44 esp. 26–8;Google Scholar eadem, ‘Aspects of Anglo-Portuguese Relations in the Twelfth Century: Manuscripts, Relics, Decretals and the Cult of St Thomas Becket at Lorväo, Alcobaça and Tomar’, Portuguese Studies 14 (1998), 1–19 esp. 10–14 both repr. with the same pagination in eadem, Thomas Becket: Friends, Networks, Texts and Cult (Aldershot, 2007), nos IX and X. See also Smalley, B., The Becket Conflict and the Schools (Oxford, 1973). 192;Google Scholar W. Uruszczak, ‘Les répercussions de la mort de Thomas Becket en Pologne (xiie-xiiie siècles)’, in Thomas Becket: Actes du Colloque International de Sédières, éd. R. Foreville (Paris, 1975), 115–25
6 Smith, D. J., ‘The Iberian Legations of Cardinal Hyacinth Bobone’, in Doran, J. and Smith, D.J., eds, Pope Celestine III (1191–1198: Diplomat and Pastor (Farnham, 2008), 81–111 at 104.Google Scholar
8 Haseldine, Julian, ‘Thomas Becket: Martyr, Saint – and Friend?’, in Gameson, R. and Leyser, H., eds, Belief and Culture in the Middle Ages (Oxford, 2001), 305–17.Google Scholar
9 The Correspondence of Archbishop Thomas Becket, ed. and transl. A.J. Duggan, 2 vols, OMT (Oxford, 2000), 1: 133.
11 When Thomas was forced to leave Pontigny (n. 64 below): Correspondence, ed. and transl. Duggan, 1: 497 n. 1.
12 Duggan, A.J., ‘Thomas Becket’s Italian Network’, in Pope, Church and City: Essays in Honour of Brenda M. Bolton, ed. Andrews, F., Egger, C. and Rousseau, C. M. (Leiden, 2004.), 177–201;Google Scholar repr. (with different pagination) in Duggan, Becket: Friends … Cult, no. I.
13 Correspondence, ed. and transl. Duggan, 1: 32–5 (no. 13), at 32–3. The former Cistercian Ubaldo Allucingoli of Lucca was cardinal deacon of S. Adriano al Foro (1138–41, cardinal priest of S. Prassede (1141–58), cardinal bishop of Ostia and Velletri (1158–81, and finally Pope Lucius III (1181–5: Brixius, J. M., Die Mitglieder des Kardinalkollegiums von 1130–1181 (Berlin, 1912), 43, 90, 134, 139, 140.Google Scholar
14 Correspondence, ed. and transl. Duggan, 1: 36–9 (no. 15). Albert was cardinal deacon of S. Adriano al Foro (1156–8, cardinal priest of S. Lorenzo in Lucina (1158–87, Chan cellor of the Roman Church (1178–87, and finally Pope Gregory VIII (21 October – 17 December 1187): Brixius, Mitglieder, 57–8 112–13 Zenker, B., Die Mitglieder des Kardinalkollegiums von lijo bis lyp (Würzburg, 1964), 125–9.Google Scholar
15 Correspondence, ed. and transl. Duggan, 1: 38–41 (no. 16), at 40–1. Hyacinth (Giacincto, Jacinthus) Bobo was cardinal deacon of S. Maria in Cosmedin (1144–91 and Pope Celestine III (1191–8: Brixius, , Mitglieder, 52, 104;Google Scholar Tillmann, H., ‘Ricerche sull ‘origine dei membri del collegio cardinalizio nel XII secolo’ 2/1, Rivista di storia della Chiesa in Italia 26 (1972), 313–53, at 350–3;Google Scholar Doran and Smith, eds, Celestine III. For his role in introducing Becket’s cult to Portugal, see Duggan, , ‘Anglo-Portuguese Relations’, 5–6.Google Scholar
16 Master Albert, an Augustinian canon regular, had taught canon law at Bologna in the early 1150s, the most likely period for Becket’s attendance at the law schools there. Although there is no evidence that Thomas met him, the warmth of Becket’s letter suggests friendship: Correspondence, ed. and transl. Duggan, 1: 36–9 (no. 15); cf. ibid. 98–109 (no. 31), at 106–7
17 Regarded as a detached member of Becket’s household, Humbert was arch deacon of Bourges, archdeacon of Milan, cardinal priest of S. Lorenzo in Dámaso (1182), bishop-elect of Vercelli (1183–4, archbishop of Milan (Jan. 1185) and finally Pope Urban III (1185–7): Klaus Ganzer, Die Entwickhmg des auswártigen Kardinalats im hohen Mittelalter, Bibliothek des deutschen historischen Instituts in Rom 26 (Tübingen, 1963), 134–6 Correspondence, ed. and transl. Duggan, 2:1377; cf. ibid. 1: 636–9 (no. 137). Master Humbert’s students at Bologna included Master Peter of Blois; Master Baldwin of Exeter, later archbishop of Canterbury (1184–91; and Conrad of Wittelsbach (see n. 30 below): Peter of Blois, Epistolae, PL 207, cols 429, 494.
18 Cardinal deacon of SS. Cosma e Damiano (1156–66, cardinal priest of S. Pudenziana (1166–78: Brixius, , Mitglieder, 58, 113;Google Scholar Geisthardt, F., Der Kammerer Boso (Berlin, 1936);Google Scholar cf. Dictionnaire d’histoire et de géographie ecclésiastique, 9 (Paris, 1937), 1319–20 (which states, erroneously, that he was English and a nephew of Adrian IV); Corre spondence, ed. and transl. Duggan, 1: 718–21 (no. 153), at 720–1
19 Correspondence, ed. and transl. Duggan, i: 42–7 (no. 18), at 47. Cf. ibid. 98–109 (no. 31), at 105, where John of Poitiers recorded that Becket had commanded him to entrust his business to no one ‘except the Lord Pope and our Pisan’.
20 Subdiaconus curie in 1148, he was cardinal priest of SS. Nereo e Achilleo (1151–66: John of Salisbury, Historia Pontificalis, transl. M. Chibnall (London, 1956; revised repr. Oxford, 1986), 21–3 Brixius, , Mitglieder, 54–5 108;Google Scholar Correspondence, ed. and transl. Duggan, 2: 1374.
21 Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, éd. M. Bouquet et al., new edn directed by L. Delisle, 24 vols (Paris, 1869–1904, 16: 107–8 (no. 334): ‘Teste Deo loquimur, quia ex hoc maxime credimus Regem Angliae adversus eumdem amicum nostrum tarn graviter, tarn irremediabiliter esse turbatum, quod in angustiis suis auxilium et patrocinium vestrum ausus est postulare.’
22 Correspondence, ed. and transl. Duggan, i: 206–7 Manfred of Lavagna was succes sively cardinal deacon of S. Giorgio in Velabro (1162–73, cardinal priest of S. Cecilia (1173–76, and cardinal bishop of Palestrina (1176–8: Brixius, Mitglieder, 64, 122–3 135, 136, 142.
23 Correspondence, ed. and transl. Duggan, i: 206–7 Otto was cardinal deacon of S. Nicola in Carcere Tulliano (1153–75: Brixius, Mitglieder, 56, 111–12 Becket likened him to ‘an angel from heaven’ when he arrived in France as papal legate in autumn 1167 (Correspondence, ed. and transl. Duggan, i: 624–7, and his support for Becket was demonstrated at Argentan, in the following December, when Becket was told (ibid. 692–4) that ‘Lord Otto is secretly informing the Lord Pope that he will be neither the agent nor the abettor of your deposition, although the king seems to want nothing else but your head on a platter.’
24 He was linked with Cardinals Hyacinth and Albert as recipient of the letter in Correspondence, ed. and transl. Duggan, 2: 1018–22 (no. 236, c.29 September 1169), and sent presents of silk cloth in October 1170: ibid. 1318–21 (no. 317); subdeacon of the Roman Church (1163–6, cardinal priest of S. Vitale (1166–79), cardinal bishop of Porto (1179–86: Brixius, , Mitglieder, 66, 126, 135, 140.Google Scholar
25 Correspondence, ed. and transl. Duggan, 2: 1282–5 (no.302). A protégé of the English Adrian IV, Walter was a canon regular from Saint-Ruf and cardinal bishop of Albano (1158–1178): Brixius, , Mitglieder, 60, 118 (no. 146);Google Scholar Zenker, , Mitglieder, 39;Google Scholar Hie Letters of John of Salisbury, 2: The Later Letters (1163–1180), ed. and transl. W. J. Millor and C. N. L. Brooke, OMT (Oxford, 1979), 432–3 and n. 1.
26 A member of the anti-imperialist Grassi family of Bologna, Hildebrand was cardinal deacon (1151), cardinal deacon of S. Eustachio (1152–6, cardinal priest of SS. XII Apostoli (1156–78): Brixius, , Mitglieder, 55, 109;Google Scholar corrected by Zenker, , Mitglieder, 107–9 Google Scholar: see n. 53 below.
27 Cardinal deacon of S. Maria in Aquiro (1166–73), cardinal priest of S. Susanna (1173–87: Brixius, , Mitglieder, 65–6 125, 140, 142.Google Scholar Tillmann linked him with the Roman Capocci family: ‘Ricerche sull ‘origine dei membri del collegio cardinalizio nel XII secolo’ 2/2, Rivista di storia della Chiesa in Italia 29 (1975), 363–402 at 367–9.
29 Lohrmann, D., ‘Petrus von S. Grisogonus und St. Viktor in Paris: Zur Vorge-schichte eines Legateli Alexanders III. in Frankreich’, in Devs qui mvtat tempora: Menschen und Institutionen im Wandel des Mittelalters, Festschrift fur Alfons Becker, ed. Hehl, E.-D., Seibert, H. and Staab, F. (Sigmaringen, 1987), 259–67;Google Scholar Papsturkunden in Frankreich, Neue Folge 6: Orléannais, ed. J. Ramackers, Abhandlungen der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften Göttingen, Philologisch-historische Klasse, 3rd ser. 41 (Göttingen, 1958), 220–1 (no. 152); Ganzer, , Entwicklung, 123–5;Google Scholar Correspondence, ed. and transl. Duggan, 1: 654–5; 2: 1072–3, 1080–1, 1084–5, 1371–2, 1380–1.
30 Correspondence, ed. and transl. Duggan, 1: 242–7 (nos 62–3. Conrad was arch bishop-elect of Mainz (1161-5), archbishop of Mainz (1165–1200 exiled 1165–83, cardinal priest of S. Marcello (1165–6), cardinal bishop of Sabina (1166–1200), arch bishop of Salzburg (1177–83, archbishop of Mainz (1184–1200: ibid. 2: 1366–7 See also S. Oehring, Erzbischof Konrad I. von Mainz im Spiegel seiner Urkunden uttd Briefe (1161–1200), Quellen und Forschungen zur hessischen Geschichte 25 (Darmstadt and Marburg, 1973), esp. 56–75 153 n. 7, 154 n. 11, 159 nn. 41–2 Peter of Blois, Epistolae, PL 207, cols 429, 494; cf.Southern, R.W., ‘Peter of Blois: A Twelfth-Century Humanist?’, Medieval Humanism (New York, 1970), 108 n. 1; n. 86 Google Scholar below.
31 Correspondence, ed. and transl. Duggan, 2: 814–17 (no. 181), at 817: ‘know that I am yours all the days of my life’. See also Kehr, P. F., Italia Pontificia, 6/1: Liguria sive provincia Mediolanensis (Berlin, 1913, repr. 1961), 183, n. to no. 44;Google Scholar Ohnsorge, W., Pàpstliche und gegenpdpstliche Legaten in Deutschland und Skandinavien 1150. bis 1181, Historische Studien 188 (Berlin, 1929), 38, 59–62 163.Google Scholar
33 See Abbot Peter of Saint-Rémi’s comment on the difficulty of communications between England and France: The Letters of Peter of Celle, ed. and transl. Julian Haseldine, OMT (Oxford, 2001), 452–3 (no. 117); cf. Letters of John of Salisbury, transl. Millor and Brooke, 2: 754–61 (no. 310), at 754–5.
34 L. Falkenstein, ‘Wilhelm von Champagne, Elekt von Chartres (1164–1168, Erzbischof von Sens (1168/69–1176), Erzbischof von Reims (1176–1202), Légat des apostolischen Stuhles, im Spiegel papstlicher Schreiben und Privilegien’, Zeitschrift für Rechtsgeschichte, kanotiistische Abteilung 89 (2003), 109–284; idem, ‘Guillaume aux blanches mains, archevêque de Reims et légat du siège apostolique (1176–1202’, Revue d’histoire de l’église de France 91 (2005), 5–25, esp. 6–9, which adjusts the dates.
36 Alexander Ill’s ratification addressed to Archbishop Josce of Tours (14 May), described Becket’s murder as ‘martyrdom’ (martyrio): ‘sánete recordationis Thome, Cantuarie archiepiscopi (cuius anima, Deo sicut credimus pretioso martyrio dedicata, in celis cum Sanctis habitat)’: Materials Thomas Becket, ed. Robertson and Sheppard, 7: 483–5 (no. 755). at 484.
38 At Bourges, Peter de la Châtre, a covert admirer, was archbishop 1141/6–71 (Correspondence, ed. and transl. Duggan, 1:121 n. 12); Humbert Crivelli (n. 17) was arch deacon. At Pontigny, Abbot Garin (1165–74 had supported him (see nn. 84–85below). At Lyon, as abbot of Pontigny (1136–65, Archbishop Guichard 1165–81had welcomed Thomas to the monastery: Correspondence, ed. and transl. Duggan, 2: Appendix, s.n.).
39 They reached the Curia before Henry IPs agents, the first of whom arrived c.3 March, having been held up by military operations around Siena and other hazards: Materials Tilomas Becket, ed. Robertson and Sheppard, 7: 471–5 (no. 750), at 471–2
40 Ex insperato, in Letters of John of Salisbury, ed. and transl. Millor and Brooke, 2: 724–38 (no. 305); cf. Materials Thomas Becket, ed. Robertson and Sheppard, 7: 462–70 (no. 748).
41 Stylum scribendi: The Letters of Peter of Celle, ed. and transl. J. Haseldine, OMT (Oxford, 2001), 658–63 (no. 171), at 658–9 660–1 662–3 Cf. similar statements in a letter to Canterbury: ibid. 520–1 (no. 141).
42 Ibid. 662–3
43 Ibid. 28–33 396–413 (nos 12, 95–100, to Eskil, in one of which (no. 97), Peter mentions their mutual friend, Berneredus, abbot of Saint-Crépin, and sends news about the elevation of William aux blanches mains to Reims and of John of Salisbury to Chartres (both in 1176); ibid. 686–9 (no. 181), to King Cnut, Stephen and others. Peters two letters to Absalon of Lund make no presumption of friendship, but they are evidence of contact: ibid. 422–7 (nos 104–5).
44 Dijon, BM, MS 574, fols 115V-116V; MS 646, fols 274r–276v (Cîteaux); Douai, BM, MS 838, fol. 196 (Marchiennes); Reims, BM, MS 502, fols 7r-10r (Saint-Rémi); Clermont-Ferrand, BM, MS 148, fol. 255; Paris, BN, MS lat. 2098, fols 159V-163V (Moissac); MS lat. 5347, fols 144r-145r, 162r-164r (from Saint Martial de Limoges).
45 E.g. Charleville, BM, MS 254, pt 3, fols 174r-180v (Belval); Évreux, Bibliothèque de la ville, MS lat. 10, fols 1r-7r (Lyre); Heiligenkreutz, Stiftsbibliothek, cod. 209, fols 75vb–84vb; cod. 213, fols 88r-99r; London, BL, MS Add. 10050, fols 107r-115v (St. Guislain); MS Egerton 2818 (formerly Phillipps 10227), fols 71ra-78vb (Pontigny); MS Harleian 2802, fols 227rb-230va (St Nicholas in Arnstein); Montpellier, Bibliothèque inter-universitaire, section médecine (formerly École de médecine), cod. 2, fois ira-5rb (Clairvaux); Paris, Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal, MS 938, fols 9r-16 (St-Victor); Paris, Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève, MS cc.1 in 40 19 (cat. 1370), fols 63r-70r (Ste-Geneviève); Rouen, BM, MS U. 24 (cat. 1402), 140r-147r (Jumièges);Troyes, BM, MS 1183, first item (Clairvaux).
46 They had been instructed to examine the evidence and report: Decretales ineditae saeculi XII, ed. and rev. S. Chodorow and C. Duggan from the papers of W. Holtzmann, Monumenta Iuris Canonici, Series B: Corpus Collectionum 4 (Vatican City, 1982), 61–2 (no. 36). They did not, contrary to Loxton, H., Pilgrimage to Canterbury (Newton Abbot, 1978), 79 Google Scholar, go to Canterbury; nor can it be confirmed that ‘they took back with them a piece of the martyr’s bloodstained tunic, a portion of his brains and some frag ments from the pavement in the transept where he died’ or that ‘these were given to the Church of St Maria Maggiore in Rome’: ibid.; see n. 51 below.
47 Quamvis nonnulla, Materials Thomas Becket, ed. Robertson and Sheppard, 7: 544–5 (no. 783, dated Segni, 10 March ), at 545: ‘vestrae discretioni mandamus ut eadem scripta, per vos ipsos si fieri potest eisdem regibus assignetis, et scripta quae monachis Cantuariensibus et ecclesiae Anglicanae dirigimus assignari faciatis’. The letter to the kings has not survived; for those to the Canterbury monks (Gaudendum est) and to the clergy and people of England (Redolet Anglia), see ibid. 545–8 (nos 784–5.
48 To William of Sens: Petri abbatis Cellensis … epistotarum libri ix, ed. J. Sirmond (Paris, 1603), no. 54 (Redolet Anglia). To Walter of Aversa: Materials Tilomas Becket, ed. Robertson and Sheppard, 7: 549–50 (no. 786, Qui vice beati Petri); cf. PL 200, cols 909–11 (no. 1034).
49 Innocent Ill’s bull was addressed to all the clergy and people of Cremona: PL 214, cols 483–5 (no. 530); Die Register Innozenz’ III, 1, ed. O. Hageneder et al. (Rome, 1968), 530 (no. 528).
50 PL 185, cols 622–5 (nos 1–4). addressed respectively to ‘all archbishops, bishops, abbots and other ecclesiastical prelates in the realm of France’; ‘Louis, king of the French’;‘all abbots of the Cistercian Order’; ‘Abbot Gerard of Clairvaux’.
51 The contents of the reliquary in S. Maria Maggiore were examined in 1992 and found to contain a long linen chemise and fragments of brain and bone. Cf. U. Nilgen, ‘La “funicella” di Tommaso Becket in S. Maria Maggiore a Roma. Culto e arte intorno a un santo “politico”’, Arte Medievale, 2nd ser. 9 (1995), 105–20. Various donors have been proposed, but the most likely is Paul Scolari, archpriest of S. Maria in 1176 and subsequently cardinal deacon of SS. Sergio e Bacco (1179–81 and cardinal bishop of Palestrina (1181–7 before his election as Pope Clement III (1187–91: Brixius, , Mitglieder, 65, 124 n. 167;Google Scholar cf.Saxer, Victor, Sainte-Marie Majeure: Une Basilique de Rome dans l’histoire de la ville et de son église, V-XIII’ siècle, Collection de l’École française de Rome 283 (Rome, 2001), 228, 230.Google Scholar
52 Borenius, T., St Thomas Becket in Art (London, 1932), 14–15 Google Scholar and plate II/2 (attributed to the patronage of Huguccio, cardinal priest of SS. Martino e Silvestro): Wilpert, J., Die romischen Mosaiken und Malereien der Kirchlichen Bauten, 1 (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1917), 336 Google Scholar (fig. 110); Nilgen, ‘La “funicella”’, in (fig. 13, attributed to Guala, cardinal priest of SS. Martino e Silvestro).
53 Kehr, P. E, Italia Pontificia, 5 Google Scholar: Aemilia sive provincia Ravennas (Berlin, 1911), 261; n. 26 above. In this dedication reformist, Augustinian and papalist motives converged (as well as the national sentiment of the ‘English contingent’ in Bologna).
54 Letters of Pope Innocent III concerning England and Wales, ed. C. R. and Mary G. Cheney (Oxford, 1967), 230–1 (no. 422); cf.Cheney, C. R., ‘Hubert Walter and Bologna’, Bulletin of Medieval Canon Law n.s. 2 (1972), 82.Google Scholar
55 Boskovits, M., ‘Gli affreschi del duomo di Anagni: un capitolo di pittura romana’, Paragone 30 (1979), 3–41;Google Scholar H. L. Kessler, ‘“Caput et speculum omnium ecclesiarum”: Old St. Peter’s and Church Decoration in Medieval Latium’, in Italian Church Decoration of the Middle Ages and Early Renaissance, ed. W. Tronzo, ViËa Spelman Colloquia 1 (Bologna, 1989), 132–5and plate 16. I am grateful to Professor John Lowden of the Courtauld Institute of Art for these references.
56 Materials Thomas Becket, ed. Robertson and Sheppard, 2: 24–5: ‘Si autem non est [= Alexander] electus a Domino, quomodo beatus martyr Thomas et collabo rator electionis ejus et sanctus est? … Martyris enim nostri magnalia et Alexandrum commendare videntur, et totius ecclesiae jura tueri, et martyris Cantuariensis dignitatibus testimonium perhibere justitiae.’
57 Monumenta histórica ducatus Carinthiae, 1, ed. August von Jaksch (Klagenfurt, 1896), 224–6 (no. 297). I am very grateful to Dr Herwig Weigl (Vienna) for this information.
58 Described in Historia calamitatum Ecclesiae Salzburgensis ad Adalbertum archiepiscopum (PL 196, cols 1539–52 at 1546). Ulrico had abandoned the anti-popes after the death of Victor IV in 1164,
59 Piussi, S., ‘Il culto di Thomas Becket ad Aquileia, Venezia e Zara’, Aquileia, la Dalmazia e l’Illirico, 2, Antiquità Altoadriatiche 26/2 (Udine, 1985), 381–400 Google Scholar, at 395 and Fig. 1.
61 Piussi, ‘Il culto’, 396 and Fig. 2.
62 Ibid. 397 and Fig. 3.
65 Duggan, A. J., ‘The Lorväo Transcription of Benedict of Peterborough’s Liber miraculomm sancii Thome: Lisbon, cod. Alcobaça ccxc/143’, Scriptorium 51 (1997), 51–68 Google Scholar, at 57–8; repr. with the same pagination in eadem, Beckel: Friends … Cult, no. XII.
66 Montpellier, Bibliothèque inter-universitaire, section medicine, MS 2 (Clair vaux); London, BL, MS Egerton 2818 (formerly Phillipps 10227), fols 2r-70vb (Pontigny): Duggan, A.J., ‘The Santa Cruz Transcription of Benedict of Peterborough’s Liber miraculomm beati Thome: Porto, BPM, cod. Santa Cruz 60’, in Mediaevalia: Textos e estudos 20 (2001), 27–55 Google Scholar, at 33–5; repr. with the same pagination in eadem, Becket: Friends … Cult, no. XIII; Heiligenkreutz, Stiftsbibliothek, cod. 209, fols 84vb-125vb; cod. 213, fols 99v-142r.
67 Duggan, ‘Lorväo Transcription’; eadem, ‘Santa Cruz Transcription’.
68 In the mid 1170s and 1185: Barth, M., ‘Zum Kult des hl. Thomas Becket in deutschen Sprachgebiet, in Skandinavien und Italien’, Freiburger Diozesan-Archiv 80 (1960), 97–166 at 154–5.Google Scholar
69 Duggan, A.J., ‘The Salem Fitz Stephen: Heidelberg Universitats-Bibliothek cod. Salem ix.30’, in Mediaevalia Christiana, XI’-XIII’ siècle: Hommage à Raymonde Foreviìle, ed. Viola, C. E.(Paris 1989), 51–86;Google Scholar repr. with the same pagination in Duggan, Becket: Friends … Cult, no. XIV.
70 Langenbahn, S. K., ‘“de cerebro Thomae Cantuariensis”. Zur Geschichte und Hagiologie der Himmeroder Thomas Becket-Reliquie von 1178’, in Fromme, B., ed., S73 Jahre Findung des Klosterortes Himmerod (Mainz, 2010), 55–91 Google Scholar, at 60–1and n. 19; cf.Waddell, C., Twelfth-Century Statutes from the Cistercian General Chapter: Latin Text with English Notes and Commentary, Cìteaux, Studia et Documenta 12 (Brecht, 2002), 125.Google Scholar This date (1173) supersedes the generally accepted date of 1185 established by Canivez, J.-M., Statuta capitulorum generalium ordinis Cisterciemis ab anno 1116 ad annum 1786, 1 (Louvain, 1933), 102, 144.Google Scholar Cf. the notes of Chapter resolutions from the 1170s, unknown to Canivez, made in Vauclair, a daughter of Clairvaux, £.1176x79, noticed by Leclercq, J., ‘Epitres d’Alexandre III sur les Cisterciens’, Revue Benedictine 64 (1954), 68–82 at 75 n. 4 Google Scholar, citing Laon, BM, MS 471, fol. 93V. The short note reads simply: ‘De sancto Thoma. Inuitatorium. Regem sempiternum coronauit Thomam’, with musical notation (neumes) inserted above coronauit Thomam. This instruction indicated that the existing Common office of a martyr was to be adapted for the new saint. 1 thank Professor Nicholas Vincent for referring me to this article.
72 Châtillon, J., ‘Thomas Becket et les Victorins’, in Thomas Becket, ed. Foreville, 89–101.Google Scholar
73 Smalley, B., ‘Andrew of St. Victor, Abbot of Wigmore: A Twelfth-Century Hebraist’, RTAM 10 (1938), 358–73 Google Scholar, at 368; eadem, ‘A Commentary on the Hebraica by Herbert of Bosham’, RTAM 18 (1951), 29–65 at 64–5 eadem, Becket Conflict, 135–6 eadem, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages, 3rd edn (Oxford, 1983), 186–95 365–6
75 Materials Thomas Becket, ed. Robertson and Sheppard, 5: 456–8 (no. 220); 6: 529–30 (no. 471): cf. Châtillon, ‘Thomas Becket’, 90–5
77 Châtillon, ‘Thomas Becket’, 96–7 Martène, E. and Durand, U., Veterum scriptorum et monumentorum amplissima collectio, 9 vols (Paris, 1724–33 repr, New York, 1968), 6: 24. 7–8;Google Scholar Absalon, Sermon 44 (Pl. 206, col. 253).
78 Stuttgart, Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Cod. theol. et phil. 4° 654, fols 71r–84V: A. J. Duggan, ‘The Weissenau Passio [et miracula] sanai Thome archiepi scopi: content and context’, in Vetera Novis Aligere. Studia i prace dedykowane Profesorowi Wadawowi Urusczcakowi (‘Studies and Essays Dedicated to Professor Waclaw Uruszczak’), ed. S. Grodziski et al., 2 vols (Kraków, 2010), 1: 171–82 English Augus tinian houses were also very active in the production and dissemination of ‘Becket materials’. For Merton and Cirencester, see Correspondence, ed. and transl. Duggan, 1: lxxv, lxxxii, lxxxiv–xciii; for Llanthony Secunda, Omont, H., ‘Anciens catalogues des bibliothèques anglaises’, Centralhlattfur Bibliothekswesen 9 (1892), 215 (no. 213);Google Scholar 217 (nos 273, 275); and for St Frideswide, Oxford, see n. 2 above.
79 Omnebene, who taught law at Bologna during the pontificate of Eugenius III (1145–53, was bishop of Verona from 1157–85 Gams, P. B., Series episcoporum Ecclesiae Catholicae occidentalis: ab initio usque ad annum MCXCVIII, 2nd edn (Leipzig, 1931), 806;Google Scholar Naz, R., ed., Dictionnaire de droit canonique, 6 (Paris, 1957), 1111–12.Google Scholar He had met Becket at Bologna.
80 Guido Barbetta, ‘Sull introduxione del culto di S. Tommaso Becket’, Studi Storici Veronesi Luigi Simeoni 20–1 (1970–2, 107–38 Barbetta’s attempt to explain the foun dation in terms of international Benedictine solidarity seems strained, but one of Omnebene’s successors, Cardinal Adelardo (bishop of Verona 1188 – c.1211×14) had visited the tomb during a mission from Clement III to Richard I in 1189 (ibid. 107), and Christ Church, Canterbury, called on his support against Archbishop Hubert Walter at the end of the century: Epistolae Cantuarienses, ed. W. Stubbs, in Chronicles and Memorials of the Reign of Richard I, 2 vols, RS 38 (London, 1864–5, 2: 507 (no. 543). Barbetta (ibid. 136–7 locates the foundation of the ‘chiesetta’ of S. Tommaso in the period 1173–6 when the anti-imperial League of Verona was developing into the Lombard League. Becket thus became an anti-imperial hero, and a symbol both of the bishop’s support for Alexander III and for the city’s defiance of Frederick Barbarossa.
81 Historia insignis monasterii S. Laurentii Leodiensis, extract in Materials Tilomas Becket, ed. Robertson and Sheppard, 4: 260–1 from Martène and Durand, Amplissima collectio, 4: 1090; cf. C. Renardy, ‘Notes concernant le culte de saint Thomas Becket dans le diocèse de Liège aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles’, Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire 55 (1977), 381–9 at 384–7
82 Eyton, R. W., Court, Household, and Itinerary of King Henry II (London, 1878), 257;Google Scholar Renardy, ‘Notes’, 387. Philip’s position as archbishop had been regularized by Alexander Ill’s grant of the pallium in 1176: see Weinfurter, S., ‘Colonia (Köln)’, in Weinfurter, S. and Engels, O., eds, Series Episcoporum Ecclesiae Catholicae occidentalis, 5/1: Archiepiscopatus Coloniensis (Stuttgart, 1982), 3–42, at 38–40.Google Scholar
83 Regesta archiepiscopatus Magdeburgensis, ed. G. A. von Mülverstedt, 3 vols (Magde burg, 1876–86, 2: 1 (nos 1–2, 83–5 (no. 192), 95 (no. 218); the Magdeburger Schóppenchronik: Janicke, K., ed., Die Chroniken der deutschen Stàdie, 7: Die Chroniken der niedersächsischen Städte. Magdeburg (Leipzig, 1869), 122;Google Scholar the vernacular Brunswick Chron icle: Bothonis Chronicon, in Leibnitz, G. W., ed., Scriptores rerum Brunsuicensium, 3 vols (Hanover, 1707–11), 3: 353;Google Scholar cf. Materials Thomas Becket, ed. Robertson and Sheppard, 4: 261 (‘unde kam to Parys, dar wart he sunte Thomas van Kantelbar scholer’); Pixton, Paul B., The German Episcopacy and the Implementation of the Decrees of the Fourth Lateran Council, 1216–1245 Watchmen on the Tower, Studies in the History of Christian Thought 64 (Leiden, 1995), 211–12.Google Scholar For his canonry at Magdeburg, see Wentz, G. and Schwinekoper, B., Die Bistümer der Kirchenprovinz Magdeburg: Das Erzbistum Magdeburg, Germania Sacra, alte Folge 1 (Berlin and New York, 1972), 1/1: 340–1;Google Scholar cf.Petersohn, J., Der südliche Ostseeraum im kirchlich-politischen Kraftspiel des Reichs, Pólens und Dänemarks vom 10. bis 13. Jahrhundert: Mission – Kirchenorganisation – Kultpolitik (Cologne and Vienna, 1979), 139.Google Scholar
84 Gallia Christiana (nova), 16 vols (Paris, 1715–1865 repr. Farnborough, 1970), 12, col. 423.
85 Herbert of Bosham, in William of Canterbury, Materials, ed. Robertson and Sheppard, 3: 398.
87 Dedicated to St Mary Magdalene and St Thomas the Martyr: Ughelli, Italia sacra, 2 (1647), 759–62 (no. 31). It is possible that he acquired the famous ‘Fermo Chasuble’, believed to have belonged to Thomas Becket: Simon-Cahn, A., ‘The Fermo Chasuble of St Thomas Becket and Hispano-Mauresque Cosmological Silks: Some Speculations on the Adaptive Reuse of Textiles’, in Essays in Honor of Oleg Grabar: Contributed by his Students, = Muqarnas: An Annual on Islamic Art and Architecture 10 (1993), 1–5 Google Scholar (for which I thank Dr Kirstin Kennedy, Victoria and Albert Museum); cf.Rice, D. S., ‘The Fermo Chasuble of St Thomas a Becket Revealed as the Earliest Fully Dated and Localised Major Islamic Embroidery Known’, Illustrated London News, 3 October 1959, 356–8.Google Scholar The stole found in the tomb of Hubert Walter (d.1205) at Canterbury was also made of Muslim textile, and also bore designs in Kufic characters (in this case, variants of the names ‘Muhammad’ and “Ali’). My thanks are due to Professor Eric Fernie, Courtauld Institute of Art, who gave me the copy of a typescript by C. Adib Majul on ‘Arabic Kufi Inscriptions in the Stole of Archbishop Hubert Walter’.
88 See n. 31 above. A late 12th- yearly 13th-century fresco depicting Becket’s murder still survives in the church.
89 Correspondence, ed. and transl Duggan, 1: 562–3 564–5 566–7 570–1 1026–7 1028–9 1066–7 1383. For Bishop Préster, see P. E Kehr, Italia Pontificia, 4: Umbria – Picenum – Marsia (Berlin, 1909), 138 (nos 15–19.
90 A. H. Bredero, ‘La canonisation de saint Bernard et sa Vita sous un nouvel aspect’, Cîteaux: commentarii cistercienses 35 (1974), 185–98 esp. 195 and n. 27.
91 Nyberg, Tore, Monasticism in North-Western Europe, 800–1200 (Aldershot, 2000), 70–2 140–5.Google Scholar
92 Antiphonarium Nidrosiensis ealesiae, ed. Lilli Gjerlow, Libri liturgici provinciae Nidrosiensis mediae aevi 3 (Oslo, 1979), 99–100 Ordo Nidrosiensis ealesiae, ed. eadem, Libri liturgici provinciae Nidrosiensis mediae aevi 2 (Oslo, 1968), 162–3 Borenius, , Thomas Becket in Art, 21.Google Scholar
93 Borenius, Thomas Becket in Art, plate 24, no. 2 (c.1250).
94 University of Bergen, Historical Museum, no. 95070: Sarah Blick, ‘Comparing Pilgrim Souvenirs and Trinity Chapel Windows at Canterbury Cathedral: An Exploration of the Context, Copying, and Recovery of Lost Stained Glass’, Mirator Syyskuu, September 2001, 1–27 This important find is related to a similar ampulla, now in the Cluny Museum in Paris: both have a design modelled on one of the lost miracle windows at Canterbury.
95 Nyberg, Monasticism, 55–6.
96 McGuire, B. P., The Cistercians in Denmark (Kalamazoo, MI, 1982), 44–60 63–74 266;Google Scholar Jorgensen, K. R., ‘Lundensis ecclesia’, in Kluger, H., ed., Scries Episcoporum Ecclesiae Catholicae occidentalis, 6/2: Archiepiscopatus Lundensis (Stuttgart, 1992), 7–33 Google Scholar, at 25; PL 202, cols 554–61 (nos 103–10). Cf.Seegrün, W., Das Papsttum und Skandinavien bis zur Vollendung der nordischen Kirchenorganisation (1164), Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte Schleswig-Holsteins 51 (Neumünster, 1967), 178–83 195–6 Google Scholard.
97 William of Canterbury, Vita Sancti Thomae, Materials, ed. Robertson and Sheppard, 1: 543–4 544–5 317–18
98 Grotefend, H., Zeitrechnung des deutschen Mittelalters und der Neuzeit (Hanover, 1892; repr. Aalen, 1970), 2/2:176.Google Scholar Cf. hunde Domkapitels Gavebeger (Libri datici Lundenses), ed. C. Weeke (Copenhagen, 1973), 167 n. 1, 323, where Becket’s two feasts are added c. 1230. I owe this reference to Anna Minara Ciardi (Lund).
99 Barth. ‘Zum Kult’, 161; Skov, Sigvard, Thomas Becket og Norden, Kirkehistoriske Samlinger, Raekke 6/3 (Copenhagen, 1939–41), 401–36 at 421.Google Scholar
100 Now commemorated by a bronze plaque, dated 1995, inscribed: ‘VÅR TIDS MARTYRER TILLÄGNAS DENNA PLATS HÄR FANNS FORDOM ETT ALTARE TILL ÄSA FÖR ÄRKE-BISKOP THOMAS BECKET AV CANTERBURY • MARTYR 1170’. Note that Lund was then in Denmark.
101 McGuire, , Cistercians in Denmark, 266–8;Google Scholar Grosse, R., ‘Roskildis (Roskilde)’, in Kluger, ed., Archiepiscopatus Lundensis, 76–95 at 89–93;Google Scholar Jorgensen, , ‘Lundensis ecclesia’, 28–33.Google Scholar See also Kulturhistoriskt Lexikonfor nordisk medeitid, 18 (Malmö, 1974), 244–50
102 Now only fragments in the Royal Library in Copenhagen: cf.Jorgensen, Ellen, ‘Studier over danske middelalderlige Bogsamlinger’, Historisk Tidskrift, 8th ser. 4 (1912–13), 1–67 at 45.Google Scholar
103 Ortved, E., Cistercieordenen og dens klostre i Norden, 2 vols (Copenhagen, 1927–33), 2: 56, 62–3, 141, 259;Google Scholar cf.Seegrün, W., in Kluger, ed., Archiepiscopatus Lundensis, 25;Google Scholar Sòderblom, N., ‘Arkebiskop Stefans invigning i catedralen i Sens âr 1164’, Kyrkohistorisk Arsskrift 15 (1914), 381–410;Google Scholar repr. in Svenskars Fromhet (Stockholm, 1933), 325–52 Seegrün, , Das Papsttum, 142, 196–7.Google Scholar
104 Borenius, Thomas Becket in Art, plates 35, no 2; 30, no. 2; cf.Drake, C. S., Roman esque Fonts of Northern Europe and Scandinavia (Woodbridge, 2002), 146 and plate 316 Google Scholar, who attributes the Lyngsjö font to Master Tove, c.1191. See also Lindblom, Andreas, Bjorsàtersmàlningama:The Legends of St. Thomas Becket and of the Holy Cross painted in a Swedish Church, Arkeologiska monografier 38 (Stockholm, 1953), 28–55 Google Scholar, with English summary, 77–9 Although the amount was very small – £8/3/3d for 30 years to 1263: ibid. 52–3, 78–9 – its payment is highly significant. The Breviarium Lincopense, ed. K. Peters, Laurentius Peti Sallskapets Urkundsserie (Lund, 1951), 5/2/1, 235–9 has a full Office of St Thomas.
105 Spencer, B., Pilgrim Souvenirs and Secular Badges, Medieval Finds from Excavations in London 7 (London, 1998), 48.Google Scholar
106 Hrafns Saga Sveinbjarnarsonar, ed. G. P. Helgadóttir (Oxford, 1987), 3, lines 6–39 I am grateful to Professor Peter Foote for translating the relevant section; cf. the translation in Thomas Saga, ed. Magnússon, 2: xii-xiii; and for English contacts: ibid. viii-xii. It is highly likely that Hrafn presented the front portion of the walrus head, with the tusks attached, perhaps carved and inscribed and furnished with a device for hanging: see the illustrations in Marie Stoklund and Else Roesdahl, ‘En dekoreret hvalrosskalle med taender og runer i Le Mans – og om runeindskrifter pâ hvalros – og narhvaltand’, Aarbrogerfor Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie (2002) (Copenhagen, 2005), 163–84 I warmly thank Professor Michael Belting of the Danish National Archives for sending me a copy of this important article.
107 Hrafns Saga, ed. Helgadóttir, lxxi.
108 Skov, Thomas Becket, names As, Engey, Gnüpr, Hamar, Holme, Hruni, Hvam, Hvanneyri, Ostrardal, Ströns and Varmlökr; cf. Thomas Saga, ed. Magnússon, 2: xxviii–xxx.
109 Expugnatio Hibernica. The Conquest of Ireland, ed. and transl. A. B. Scott and F. X. Martin (Dublin, 1978), 74–5 222–5 attributed to a Merlin Celidonius or Silvestris (not the Merlin Ambrosius of Geoffrey of Monmouth), whose prophecies Giraldus claimed to have translated and intended to add as a Vaticinalis Liber, ibid, lxiv-lxviii. Scott and Martin translate oratores in its classical sense of ‘orators’; but the medieval ‘pilgrims’ seems more appropriate to the context. This Merlin, of course, may have been no more than the product of Gerald’s creative imagination.
Full text views reflects PDF downloads, PDFs sent to Google Drive, Dropbox and Kindle and HTML full text views.