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Wanted: A Comparative History of the Modern Mediterranean

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 March 2016

Edmund Burke III*
Affiliation:
University of California, Santa Cruz

Extract

There is something seriously flawed about models of social change that posit the dominant role of in-built civilizational motors. While “the rise of the West” makes great ideology, it is poor history. Like Jared Diamond, I believe that we need to situate the fate of nations in a long-term ecohistorical context. Unlike Diamond, I believe that the ways (and the sequences) in which things happened mattered deeply to what came next. The Mediterranean is a particularly useful case in this light. No longer a center of progress after the sixteenth century, the decline of the Mediterranean is usually ascribed to its inherent cultural deficiencies. While the specific cultural infirmity varies with the historian (amoral familism, patron/clientalism, and religion are some of the favorites) its civilizationalist presuppositions are clear. In this respect the search for “what went wrong” typifies national histories across the region and prefigures the fate of the Third World.

Type
Special Section: Mediterranean Encounters
Copyright
Copyright © Middle East Studies Association of North America 2012

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References

End Notes

1 Lewis, Bernard, What Went Wrong? The Clash Between Islam and Modernity in the Middle East (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002)Google Scholar. Also Huntington, Samuel P., The Clash of Civilization and the Remaking of World Order (New York: Touchstone, 1996).Google Scholar

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3 Schneider, Jane, Italy’s “Southern Question”: Orientalism in One Country (Oxford and New York: Berg, 1998).Google Scholar

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5 See my “The Transformation of the Middle Eastern Environment, 1500 B.C.E.-2000 C.E.” in Burke, E. III and Pomeranz, K. eds. The Environment and World History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008), 81117.Google Scholar

6 Burke, E. III, “Elementi di Modernita nel Mediterraneo nel lungo XIX secolo,” in Petrusewicz, Marta, Schneider, Jane and Schneider, Peter, eds. I Sud. Conoscere, Capire, Cambiare (Bologna: II Molino 2009), pp. 7188.Google Scholar

7 Keller, E., Le Général de La Moricière (Paris, 1891), II, p. 45.Google Scholar

8 Burke, Edmund III, “Changing Patterns of Peasant Protest in the Middle East, 1750–1950,” in Waterbury, John and Kazemi, Farhad (eds.), Peasant Politics and Violence in the Recent History of the Middle East (Gainesville, FL: University of Florida Presses, 1991), pp. 2437.Google Scholar

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10 For more recent formulations, see Blok, Anton, The Mafia of a Sicilian Village, 1860–1960 (New York: Harper, 1975)Google Scholar; Aya, Roderick, The Missed Revolution: the Fate of Rural Rebels in Sicily and Southern Spain, 1840–1950 (Amsterdam: Universiteit van Amsterdam, Antropologisch-Sociologisch Centrum, 1975)Google Scholar; and the essays in Waterbury, John and Kazemi, Farhad (eds.), Peasant Politics and Violence in the Recent History of the Middle East (Gainesville, FL: University of Florida Presses, 1991).Google Scholar

11 Berkes, Niyazi, The Rise of Secularism in Turkey (Montréal: McGill University Press, 1964).Google Scholar

12 See Bayly, C. A., The Birth of the Modern World, 1780–1914 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), Chapter 9.Google Scholar

13 Aydin, Cemil, The Politics of Anti-Westernism in Asia: Visions of World Order in Pan-Islamic and Pan-Asian Thought (New York: Columbia University Press, 2008)Google Scholar and Khuri-Makdisi, Ilham, The Eastern Mediterranean and the Making of Global Radicalism, 1860–1914 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

14 Khater, Akram, Inventing Home: Emigration, Gender and the Middle Class in Lebanon, 1870–1920 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001)Google Scholar and Clancy-Smith, Julia, Mediterraneans: North Africa and Europe in the Age of Migration, c.1800–1900 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010).Google Scholar