¹ Kaplan, Caren, ‘The politics of location as transnational feminist critical practice’, in Kaplan, Caren and Grewal, Inderpal (eds), Scattered Hegemonies: Postmodernity and Transnational Feminist Practices (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994), p. 148Google Scholar.

² Adichie, Chimamanda Ngozi, We Should All Be Feminists (New York: Anchor Books, 2014), p. 25Google Scholar.

³ Laura Roth and Kate Shea Baird, ‘Left-wing populism and the feminization of politics’, ROAR Magazine, available at: {https://roarmag.org/essays/left-populism-feminization-politics/} accessed 7 June 2019.

⁴ There is a small but growing feminist literature exploring the relationship between gender and various instantiations of so-called populist politics. See Cherry Miller, ‘Feminist politics and populism: Positioning gender in populism studies’, Alusta, available at: {https://alusta.uta.fi/2019/01/21/feminist-politics-and-populism-positioning-gender-in-populism-studies/}; Fraser, Nancy, ‘Progressive neoliberalism versus reactionary populism: a choice that feminists should refuse’, Nordic Journal of Feminist and Gender Research, 24:4 (2016), pp. 281–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Emejulu, Akwugo, ‘Can the people be feminists? Analysing the fate of feminist justice claims in populist grassroots movements in the United States’, Interface: A Journal for and about Social Movements, 3:2 (2011), pp. 123–51Google Scholar; Caravantes, Paloma, ‘New versus old politics in Podemos: Feminization and masculinized party discourse’, Men and Masculinities (2018)Google Scholar, available at: {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1097184X18769350}; Kantola, Johanna and Lombardo, Emanuela, ‘Populism and feminist politics: the cases of Finland and Spain’, European Journal of Political Research (2019)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, available at: {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/1475-6765.12333}.

⁵ For a helpful summary and overview of how populism is framed in the mainstream media, see Bale, Tim, van Kessel, Stijn, and Taggart, Paul, ‘Thrown around with abandon? Popular understandings of populism as conveyed by the print media: a UK case study’, Acta Politica, 46:2 (2011), pp. 111–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶ The notion of ‘populist hype’ is borrowed from Jason Glynos and Aurélien Mondon, ‘The Political Logic of the Populist Hype: The Case of Right-Wing Populism's “Meteoric Rise” and Its Relations to the Status Quo’, Populismus Working Paper 4 (2016), available at: {https://purehost.bath.ac.uk/ws/portalfiles/portal/148981154/WP4_glynos_mondon_final_upload.pdf}.

⁷ Sperling, Valerie, Ferree, Myra Marx, and Risman, Barbara, ‘Constructing global feminism: Transnational advocacy networks and Russian women's activism’, Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 26:4 (2001), pp. 1115–86CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

⁸ Although feminism has traditionally been associated with the liberation of women, increasingly its conception of social justice also speaks to class and racial inequalities as well as to gender stereotypes that constrain men. In this sense, feminism can be understood as an emancipatory project ‘for everyone’. See hooks, bell, Feminism is for Everybody: Passionate Politics (New York: South End Press, 2000)Google Scholar.

⁹ For a discussion of the different meanings of ‘radical’ and its relevance to feminism, see Eschle, Catherine and Maiguashca, Bice, ‘Reclaiming feminist futures: Co-opted and progressive politics in a neoliberal age’, Political Studies, 62:3 (2014), pp. 634–51, 12–13CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰ Steans, Jill, Gender and International Relations (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2013), ch. 2Google Scholar.

¹¹ Crenshaw, Kimberley, ‘Demarginalizing the intersection of race and sex: a black feminist critique of antidiscrimination doctrine, feminist theory and antiracist politics’, The University of Chicago Legal Forum, 1:8 (1989)Google Scholar; Collins, Patricia Hill, ‘It's all in the family: Intersections of gender, race and nation’, Hypatia, 13:3 (1998), pp. 62–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Yuval-Davis, Nira, ‘Intersectionality and feminist politics’, European Journal of Women's Studies, 13:3 (2006), pp. 193–209CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹² See, for example, McKenna, Erin, The Task of Utopia: A Pragmatist and Feminist Perspective (New York: Roman and Littlefield, 2001)Google Scholar; Hutchings, Kimberley, ‘Towards a feminist international ethics’, Review of International Studies, 26:5 (2000), pp. 111–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Benhabib, Seyla, Situating the Self: Gender, Community, and Postmodernism in Contemporary Ethics (New York: Routledge, 1992)Google Scholar.

¹³ See Fuss, Diana, ‘The “risk” of essence’, in Kemp, Sandra and Squires, Judith (eds), Feminisms (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), pp. 250–1Google Scholar; Heckman, Susan, ‘Reconstituting the subject’, Hypatia, 6:2 (1991), pp. 44–63Google Scholar; McNay, Lois, Gender and Agency: Reconfiguring the Subject in Feminist Theory and Social Theory (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2000)Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Bobbio, Norberto, Left and Right: The Significance of a Political Distinction (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1996), p. 67Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Lukes, Steven, ‘Epilogue: the grand dichotomy of the twentieth century’, in Ball, Terrence and Bellamy, Richard (eds), The Cambridge History of Twentieth Century Political Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), pp. 602–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁶ Leonard, Stephen, Critical Theory in Political Practice (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990)Google Scholar. For a feminist defence of the claim that feminism, as a political project, speaks to and from a left politics and, as such, embodies a form of critical theorising, see Eschle, Catherine and Maiguashca, Bice, ‘Rethinking globalised resistance: Feminist activism and critical theorising in IR’, British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 9:2 (2007), pp. 284–301CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Eschle and Maiguashca, ‘Reclaiming feminist futures’.

¹⁷ See Jones, Paul K., ‘Insights from the infamous: Recovering the social-theoretical first phase of populism studies’, European Journal of Social Theory (2018)Google Scholar, available at: {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1368431018772507}. Most of the Special Issues on populism, thus far, have been in the field of Political Science (for example, International Political Science Review, 38:4 (2017) or Comparative Political Studies, 51:13 (2018)) or in Political Theory (for example, Constellations, 21:4 (2014)).

¹⁸ See, for example, Shabnam Holliday, ‘Populism, the international and methodological nationalism: Global order and the Iran-Israel nexus’, Political Studies, available at: {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0032321718817476} and Hadiz, Vedi and Chryssogelos, Angelos, ‘Populism in world politics: a comparative cross regional perspective’, International Political Science Review, 38:4 (2017), pp. 399–411CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁹ For a Latin American focus, see Muggah, Robert and Winter, Brian, ‘Is populism making a comeback in Latin America?’, Foreign Policy (23 October 2017)Google Scholar; Shannon O'Neil, ‘Latin America's populist hangover’, Foreign Affairs (November/December 2016).

²⁰ Verbeek, Bertjan and Zaslove, Andrej, ‘The impact of populist radical right parties on foreign policy’, European Political Science Review, 7:4 (2015), pp. 525–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²¹ Ikenberry, John, ‘The end of liberal international order?’, International Affairs, 94:1 (2018), pp. 7–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²² For one effort to distinguish between ‘international’ and ‘transnational’ populism, see Moffitt, Benjamin, ‘Transnational populism?: Representative claims, media and the difficulty of constructing a transnational people’, Journal of the European Institute for Communication and Culture, 24:4 (2017), pp. 409–25Google Scholar. See also Stengel, Frank, MacDonald, David, and Nabers, Dirk (eds), Populism and World Politics: Exploring Inter and Transnational Dimensions (London: Palgrave, 2019)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²³ Cas Mudde, ‘How populism became the concept that defines our age’, The Guardian (22 November 2018), available at: {https://wrdtp.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/Mudde-How-populism-became-the-concept-that-defines-our-age-_-Cas-Mudde-_-World-news-_-The-Guardian.pdf} accessed 11 July 2019.

²⁴ For a critical discussion of the way that ‘populism’ is now being adopted ‘willy-nilly’, as Frank puts it, in academic analyses to explain all contemporary challenges to liberal democracy, see Frank, Jason, ‘Populism is not the problem’, Boston Review: A Political and Literary Forum (15 August 2018)Google Scholar, available at: {https://bostonreview.net/politics/jason-frank-populism-not-the-problem} accessed 7 July 2019 and Philippe Marlière, ‘The demophobes and the great fear of populism’, Open Democracy (4 June 2013), available at: {https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/can-europe-make-it/demophobes-and-great-fear-of-populism/} accessed 7 July 2019.

²⁵ The Guardian newspaper, for instance, has given the concept unprecedented attention initiating ‘The New Populism’ series in 2018, which combines academic articles by key thinkers on the subject (Cas Mudde is now a regular contributor to the paper) with simple quizzes that readers can take to find out if they too are populists! See, for instance, Peter Baker, ‘We the people: the battle to define populism’, The Guardian (10 January 2019), available at: {https://www.theguardian.com/news/2019/jan/10/we-the-people-the-battle-to-define-populism?CMP=share_btn_link} accessed 11 July 2019 and Matthijs Rooduijn, ‘Why is populism suddenly all the rage?’, The Guardian (20 November 2018), available at: {https://www.theguardian.com/world/political-science/2018/nov/20/why-is-populism-suddenly-so-sexy-the-reasons-are-many}.

²⁶ https://www.cam.ac.uk/news/populism-revealed-as-2017-word-of-the-year-by-cambridge-university-press}.

²⁷ See, for example, Pappas, Takis and Kriesi, Hans, ‘Populism in Europe during crisis: an introduction’, in Pappas, Takis and Kriesi, Hans (eds), European Populism in the Shadow of the Great Recession (Colchester: European Consortium for Political Research Press, 2015)Google Scholar; March, Luke, ‘From vanguard of the proletariat to vox populi: Left-wing populism as a “shadow” of contemporary socialism’, SAIS Review, 27:1 (2007), pp. 63–7Google Scholar; van Kessel, Stijn, Populist Parties in Europe: Agents of Discontent? (Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan, 2015)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Moffitt, Benjamin, The Global Rise of Populism (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2016)Google Scholar. In the case of the latter, Mudde's definition is expanded to include ‘political style’. Notwithstanding this interesting effort to finesse the notion of populism, Moffitt's account assumes that populism functions as an ideology in the first instance and then subsequently, as a performance.

²⁸ Mudde, Cas, ‘The populist zeitgeist’, Government and Opposition, 39:4 (2005), pp. 541–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar (p. 543).

²⁹ Mudde, Cas and Kaltwasser, Cristóbal R., ‘Populism’, in Freeden, Michael, Sargent, Lyman Tower, and Stears, Marc (eds), Oxford Handbook of Political Ideologies (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), p. 7Google Scholar.

³⁰ Mudde, Cas and Kaltwasser, Cristóbal R., ‘Studying populism in comparative perspective: Reflections on the contemporary and future research agenda’, Comparative Political Studies, 51:13 (2018), pp. 1667–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³¹ Interview with Cas Mudde on the root causes of populism available at: {http://dialogue-on-europe.eu/interview-cas-mudde-causes-populism-european-union/}.

³² Cas Mudde, ‘The Problem with Populism’, available at: {https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2015/feb/17/problem-populism-syriza-podemos-dark-side-europe}.

³³ Panizza, Francisco (ed.), Populism and the Mirror of Democracy (London: Verso, 2005)Google Scholar; Laclau, Ernesto and Mouffe, Chantal, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy (London: Verso, 1985)Google Scholar; Mouffe, Chantal, On the Political (Abingdon: Routledge, 2005)Google Scholar; Stavrakakis, Yannis, ‘Populism in power: Syriza's challenge to Europe’, Juncture, 21:4 (2015), pp. 273–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Stavrakakis, Yannis and Katsambekis, Giorgos, ‘Left-wing populism in the European periphery’, Journal of Political Ideologies, 19:2 (2014), pp. 119–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁴ In other words, for Laclau treating populism as a sui generis form of radical politics ‘out there’ is to misconstrue its fundamental nature because all politics is marked by this binary discursive logic. It is the essential feature of the political. By contrast, for Mudde, and those who follow him, populism is a distinct type of radical politics that can be characterised in terms of specific, fixed features and that can be compared to other forms that are not populist.

³⁵ Ernesto Laclau, ‘Populism: What's in a name?’, in Panizza (ed.), Populism and the Mirror of Democracy, pp. 32–49 (p. 44).

³⁶ Laclau, ‘Populism’, p. 37.

³⁷ Ibid., p. 39.

³⁸ Laclau, Ernesto, ‘Why constructing a people is the main task of radical politics’, Critical Inquiry, 32:4 (2006), pp. 646–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁹ Laclau, Ernesto, On Populist Reason (London: Verso, 2005), p. 101Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ For examples of the former trend, see Akkerman, Agnes, Mudde, Cas, and Zaslove, Andrej, ‘How populist are the people? Measuring populist attitudes in voters’, Comparative Political Studies, 47:9 (2013), pp. 1324–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rooduijn, Matthijs and Pauwels, Teun, ‘Measuring populism: Comparing two methods of content analysis’, West European Politics, 34:6 (2011), pp. 1272–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hawkins, Kirk, Carlin, Ryan E., Littvay, Levente, and Kaltwasser, Cristóbal R. (eds), The Ideational Approach to Populism: Concept, Theory, and Analysis (Oxon: Routledge, 2019), chs 1, 4, 5, 7Google Scholar. For examples of the latter, see Mouffe, Chantal, For a Left Populism (London: Verso, 2018)Google Scholar; Errejón, Íñigo and Mouffe, Chantal, Podemos: In the Name of the People (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 2016), chs 10, 11, 12, 13Google Scholar; Kioupkiolis, Alexandros, ‘Podemos: the ambiguous promises of left-wing populism in contemporary Spain’, Journal of Political Ideologies, 21:2 (2016), pp. 99–120CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Stavrakakis and Katsambekis, ‘Left-wing populism in the European periphery’, pp. 119–42.

⁴¹ One of Cas Mudde's early works on populism was his book Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007). He continues to research radical right-wing politics with his latest book The Far Right in America (London: Routledge, 2017).

⁴² Members of this camp have explicitly argued that populism, understood in Laclauian terms, can only meaningfully refer to left-wing movements, given that right-wing movements mobilise ‘the nation’, rather than ‘the people’, as its central empty signifier. For a defence of this position, see Stavrakakis, Yannis, Katsambekis, Giorgos, Nikisianos, Nikos, Kioupkiolis, Alexandros, and Siomos, Thomas, ‘Extreme right-wing populism in Europe: Revisiting a reified association’, Critical Discourse Studies, 14:4 (2017), pp. 420–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴³ Norris, Pippa and Inglehart, Ronald, Cultural Backlash: Trump, Brexit and the Rise of Authoritarian Populism (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2018)Google Scholar; Norris, Pippa and Inglehart, Ronald, ‘The true clash of civilisations’, Foreign Policy, 135 (2003), pp. 62–70Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Ronald Inglehart and Pippa Norris, ‘Trump, Brexit and the Rise of Populism: the Economic Have Nots and Cultural Backlash’ (2016), available at: {https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2818659} accessed 12 July 2019.

⁴⁵ See Mudde and Kaltwasser, ‘Studying populism in comparative perspective’, pp. 1667–93.

⁴⁶ Michael Cox, ‘Understanding the Global Rise of Populism’, LSE!deas blog (2018), available at: {http://www.lse.ac.uk/ideas/research/updates/populismhttp://www.lse.ac.uk/ideas/research/updates/populism}; Fareed Zakaria, ‘Populism on the march: Why the West is in trouble’, Foreign Affairs (2016), available at: {https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/united-states/2016-10-17/populism-march}.

⁴⁷ Mudde, Cas and Kaltwasser, Cristobal R., ‘Exclusionary vs. inclusionary populism: Comparing contemporary Europe and Latin America’, Government and Opposition, 48:2 (2013), pp. 147–74 (p. 167)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁸ Van Hauwaert, Steven and van Kessel, Stijn, ‘Beyond protest and discontent: a cross-national analysis of the effect of populist attitudes and issue positions on populist party support’, European Journal of Political Research, 57 (2018), pp. 68–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁹ Fraser, Nancy, ‘From redistribution to recognition? Dilemmas of justice in a “post-socialist” age’, New Left Review, 212 (1995), pp. 68–93Google Scholar; Young, Iris Marion, Justice and the Politics of Difference (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990)Google Scholar; Collins, Patricia Hill, Black Feminist Thought (New York: Routledge, 2000)Google Scholar; Eschle, Catherine and Maiguashca, Bice, ‘Theorising feminist organising in and against neoliberalism: Beyond co-optation and resistance?’, European Journal of Politics and Gender, 1:1–2 (2018), pp. 223–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁰ Fraser, Nancy, Justice Interruptus: Critical Reflections on the Post-Socialist Condition (New York: Routledge, 1995), p. 5Google Scholar.

⁵¹ Mudde, Cas and Kaltwasser, Cristóbal R., ‘Vox populi or vox masculine? Populism and gender in northern Europe and South America’, Patterns of Prejudice, 49:1–2 (2015), pp. 16–36 (p. 35)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵² See Mudde and Kaltwasser, ‘Exclusionary vs. inclusionary populism’, p. 154.

⁵³ For a discussion of leadership in the context of the theory and practice of populism, see Mudde, Cas and Kaltwasser, Cristóbal R., ‘Populism and political leadership’, in Rhodes, R. A. W. and Hart, Paul ‘t (eds), Oxford Handbook of Political Leadership (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014)Google Scholar; see also Eatwell, Roger, ‘Charisma and the radical right’, in Rydgren, Jens (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of the Radical Right (New York: Oxford University Press, 2018)Google Scholar or Moffitt, The Global Rise of Populism, who argues that the leader should be the focus of any study of populism because it is the leader who ultimately ‘does’ or ‘performs’ populism (p. 52).

⁵⁴ Moffitt, The Global Rise of Populism, p. 150.

⁵⁵ Müller, Jans-Werner, What is Populism? (New York: Penguin Random House, 2016), p. 39CrossRefGoogle Scholar, emphasis added.

⁵⁶ It is important to remember that this gendered description of leadership does not constitute an empirical finding, that is, it is not the result of inductive, comparative sociological-ethnographic research, but is rather built into the framing of what constitutes charismatic leadership in the context of populism.

⁵⁷ Coleman, Lara Montesinos and Bassi, Serena, ‘Deconstructing militant manhood’, International Feminist Journal of Politics, 13:2 (2011), pp. 204–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rai, Shirin, ‘Political performance: a framework for analysing democratic politics’, Political Studies, 63:5 (2014), pp. 1179–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Puwar, Nirmal, Space Invaders: Race, Gender and Bodies Out of Place (Oxford: Berg Publishers, 2004)Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ Montesinos Coleman and Bassi, ‘Deconstructing militant manhood’, p. 207.

⁵⁹ Caravantes, ‘New vs old politics in Podemos’.

⁶⁰ Kantola and Lombardo, ‘Populism and feminist politics’, p. 18.

⁶¹ For an excellent, comprehensive overview of this effort, see Laura Sjoberg, ‘Feminism’, in Rhodes and Hart (eds), Oxford Handbook of Political Leadership, available at: {https://0-www-oxfordhandbooks-com.lib.exeter.ac.uk/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199653881.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780199653881-e-004}.

⁶² Blackmore, Jill, ‘Disrupting notions of leadership from feminist postcolonial positions’, International Journal of Leadership in Education: Theory and Practice, 13:1 (2010), pp. 1–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sinclair, Amanda, Leadership for the Disillusioned: Moving beyond Myths and Heroes to Leading that Liberates (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 2007)Google Scholar; Srilatha Batliwala, ‘Feminist Leadership for Social Transformation: Clearing the Conceptual Cloud’ (2010), available at: {https://justassociates.org/sites/justassociates.org/files/feminist-leadership-clearing-conceptual-cloud-srilatha-batliwala.pdf}.that Liberates (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 2007).

⁶³ Sjoberg, ‘Feminism’.

⁶⁴ Pappas, Takis, ‘Populist democracies: Post-authoritarian Greece and post-communist Hungary’, Government and Opposition, 49:1 (2014), pp. 1–23 (p. 8)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁵ Van Hauwaert and van Kessel, ‘Beyond protest and discontent’, p. 70.

⁶⁶ Aurélien Mondon and Aaron Winter, ‘Whiteness, populism and the racialisation of the working class in the United Kingdom and the United States’, Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power (2018), available at: {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/1070289X.2018.1552440}; see also Emejulu, ‘Can the people be feminists?’, pp. 123–51.

⁶⁷ Mondon, Aurélien, ‘Limiting democratic horizons to a nationalist reaction: Populism, the radical right and the working class’, Journal of the European Institute for Communication and Culture, 24:4 (2017), pp. 355–74Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ See, for example, Zakaria, ‘Populism on the march’, pp. 13–15, or for a variation of this view, see Parker, Christopher, Mayer, Sebastian, and Buckley, Nicole, ‘Left, right, but no in-between: Explaining American polarisation and post-factualism under President Trump’, in Herman, Lise and Muldoon, James (eds), Trumping the Mainstream (New York: Routledge, 2019), pp. 112–30Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ Mudde, Cas, ‘The populist Zeitgeist’, Government and Opposition, 39:4 (2005), p. 548Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ For an interesting discussion of the construction of the ‘white working class’, primarily in the US context, see ‘Whitewashing the Working Class’ [six essays], American Sociological Review, available at: {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/1536504217714256}.

⁷¹ For a critical deconstruction of the implicit racist implications of this narrative, see Bhambra, Gurminder K., ‘Brexit, Trump and “methodological whiteness”: On the misrecognition of race and class’, British Journal of Sociology, 68:1 (2017), pp. 214–32CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

⁷² It is important to remember, as pointed out in fn. 41, that for these authors only left politics can be construed as really populist since right-wing movements construct themselves in the name of the ‘nation’ and not ‘the people’. Stavrakakis and Katsambekis, ‘Left-wing populism in the European periphery’, emphasis added.

⁷³ McKean, Benjamin, ‘Towards an inclusive populism? On the role of race and difference in Laclau's politics’, Political Theory, 44:6 (2016), pp. 797–820CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁴ Norval, Aletta, ‘Frontiers in question’, Filozofski Vestnik, 18:2 (1997), pp. 51–75Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ Nancy Fraser, ‘Structuralism or pragmatics? On discourse theory and feminist politics’, in Justice Interruptus, p. 159.

⁷⁶ Alcoff, Linda, Visible Identities; Race, Gender and the Self (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), p. 75CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁷ Kingsbury, Donald, ‘Populism as post-politics: Ernesto Laclau, hegemony and the limits of democracy’, Radical Philosophy Review (2019)Google Scholar, available at: {https://www.academia.edu/12176446/Populism_as_Post-Politics_Ernesto_Laclau_Hegemony_and_the_Limits_of_Democracy}.

⁷⁸ See Roseneil, Sasha, Disarming Patriarchy: Feminism and Political Action at Greenham Common (Buckingham: Open University Press, 1995)Google Scholar and Eschle, Catherine and Maiguashca, Bice, Making Feminist Sense of the Global Justice Movement (Lanham, MA: Rowman and Littlefield, 2010)Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ McKenna, The Task of Utopia.

⁸⁰ Robinson, Fiona, ‘Globalizing care: Ethics, feminist theory and IR’, Alternatives, 22 (1997), pp. 113–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hutchings, ‘Towards a feminist international ethics’, pp. 111–30.

⁸¹ Breines, Wini, Community and Organisation in the New Left 1962–68: The Great Refusal (New York: Rutgers Press, 1989)Google Scholar; Cockburn, Cynthia, From Where We Stand: War, Women's Activism and Feminist Analysis (London: Zed Books, 2007)Google Scholar.

⁸² Eschle and Maiguashca, Making Feminist Sense of the Global Justice Movement, ch. 5.

⁸³ Kingsbury, ‘Populism as post-politics’, pp. 5–6.

⁸⁴ McKean, ‘Towards an inclusive populism?’, p. 816.

⁸⁵ See Beckwith, Karen, Banaszak, Lee Ann, and Rucht, Dieter (eds), Women's Movements Facing the Reconfigured State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003)Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Frank, ‘Populism is not the problem’.

⁸⁷ Glynos and Mondon, ‘The Political Logic of the Populist Hype’. See also De Cleen, Benjamin, Glynos, Jason, and Mondon, Aurélien, ‘Critical research on populism: Nine rules of engagement’, Organization (2018), p. 3Google Scholar, available at: {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1350508418768053.

⁸⁸ For a substantive critique of conceptual over-reach, see March, Luke, ‘Left and right populism compared: the British case’, British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 19:2 (2017), pp. 292–303 (p. 283)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; for a methodological critique, see Silva, Bruno Castanho, Jungkunz, Sebastian, Helbling, Marc, and Littvay, Levente, ‘An empirical comparison of seven populist attitudes scales’, Political Research Quarterly (2019)Google Scholar, available at: {https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912919833176}; for a critique of the applicability of populism to Corbyn's politics, see Maiguashca, Bice and Dean, Jonathan, ‘“Lovely people, but utterly deluded”? British political science's trouble with Corbynism’, British Politics (2019)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, available at: {http://link.springer.com/article/10.1057/s41293-019-00124-5}.

⁸⁹ This literature focuses on the incredible influence that Laclau's theory of populism has had on certain streams of left-wing politics in Spain (Podemos) and Greece (Syriza). See Stavrakakis and Katsambekis, ‘Left-wing populism in the European periphery’ and Kioupkiolis, Alexandros, ‘Late modern adventures of leftist populism in Spain’, in Katsambekis, Giorgos and Kioupkiolis, Alexandros (eds), The Populist Radical Left in Europe (New York: Routledge, 2019), pp. 47–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹⁰ While both definitions explored here have gained media coverage, it is Mudde's conception of populism that has gained the most prominence in media and political discourses.

⁹¹ Frank, ‘Populism is not the problem’.

⁹² Bice Maiguashca and Jonathan Dean, ‘Corbynism, populism and the re-shaping of left politics in contemporary Britain’, in Katsambekis and Kioupkiolis (eds), The Populist Radical Left in Crisis-Hit Europe.

⁹³ Dean, Jonathan and Maiguashca, Bice, ‘Gender, power and left politics: From feminisation to feministisation’, Politics and Gender, 13:3 (2018) pp. 376–406CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹⁴ I recognise that Podemos does self-identify with the label populism, which adds another layer of complexity to this story.

⁹⁵ Lukes, ‘Epilogue: the grand dichotomy of the 20^th century’.

⁹⁶ Goodhart, David, The Road to Somewhere: The Populist Revolt and the Future of Politics (London: C. Hurst & Co. Publishers Ltd, 2017)Google Scholar.

⁹⁷ Barker, ‘We the people’.

⁹⁸ See Marta Lorimer, ‘Ni droite, ni gauche, Français! Far right populism and the future of left/right politics’, in Herman and Muldoon (eds), Trumping the Mainstream, pp. 145–63 and Rory Mulholland, ‘Marie Le Pen promises revolution for France’, Telegraph (5 February 2017), available at: {https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2017/02/05/marine-le-pen-promises-revolution-france-tells-rally-lyon-wind/}.

⁹⁹ John Judis, ‘Us vs. them: the birth of populism’, The Guardian, available at: {https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/oct/13/birth-of-populism-donald-trump}.

¹⁰⁰ Rooduijn, Matthijs and Akkerman, Tjitske, ‘Flank attacks: Populism and left–right radicalism in western Europe’, Party Politics, 23:3 (2017), pp. 193–204CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰¹ See Mudde and Kaltwasser, ‘Exclusionary vs. inclusionary populism’ and Santiago Zabala on ‘The difference between left and right wing populism’, Al-Jazeera (17 January 2017), available at: {https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2017/01/difference-left-wing-populism-170112162814894.html}.

¹⁰² This reaction is somewhat puzzling given that Mudde, the authoritative voice on populism, lists the tyranny of ‘centrism’ as one of the main causes of the populist upsurge.

¹⁰³ Fraser, ‘Progressive neoliberalism versus reactionary populism’, pp. 281–4. For an excellent analysis of the emergence and politics of the populist/anti-populist divide, see Stavrakakis, Yannis, ‘“The return of the people”: Populism and anti-populism in the shadow of the European crisis’, Constellations, 21:4 (2014), pp. 505–15CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁴ Remember that those working within the Muddean frame have paid far more attention to the right-wing populism than to its left counterpart.

¹⁰⁵ Jonathan Dean, ‘Who's Afraid of Identity Politics?’, LSE blog, available at: {http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/whos-afraid-of-identity-politics/}.

¹⁰⁶ See, for example, Mudde and Kaltwasser, ‘Populism’.

¹⁰⁷ Stavrakakis, Yannis and Jäger, Anton, ‘Accomplishments and limitations of the “new” mainstream in contemporary populism studies’, European Journal of Social Theory, 21:4 (2018), pp. 547–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁸ See Mudde and Kaltwasser, ‘Studying populism in comparative perspective’. As an example of this general lack of care and engagement, they point out that neither Brexit nor Trump's victory in the US elections can meaningfully be conceptualised as a form of populism, at least not in their definitional terms. This has not prevented both events being framed as such by most academic, media, and political commentators.

¹⁰⁹ While those in the Laclau camp cannot be described as empiricists/positivists in any fashion, they have tended to cede ground to their political science colleagues and have joined the search for minimal definitions that lend themselves to empirical analysis. In other words, in an effort to engage with their Muddean counterparts, many now implicitly treat populism as an ontic force, rather than a discursive logic. See Stavrakakis et al., ‘Extreme right-wing populism in Europe’ for an explicit effort in this direction.

¹¹⁰ Evidence of the gendered nature of populism studies can be found in the table of contents of the recently published Online Oxford Handbook of Populism in which only six female contributors (one writing on the role of gender in populism) are featured out of a total of 38. Recognising and seeking to rectify the lack of visibility of women in the field, the ‘Women+ on Populism Research’ Facebook group was set up in October 2018 as was an LSE blog advertising the work of female scholars on populism (equated on this site with far-right politics). See {https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/lsereviewofbooks/2019/03/05/reading-list-10-recommended-reads-on-the-far-right-and-populism/}. More anecdotally, my own experiences at numerous workshops and conferences on populism also suggest that female scholars, let alone feminist ones, are few and far between in this burgeoning field. For example, the ECPR Joint Sessions in Pisa in 2016 on the ‘Causes of Populism’, to which I was kindly invited, boasted 28 participants of which only four were women, with one being my co-author. Of course Margaret Canovan, Chantal Mouffe, and Nadia Urbinati, all political theorists, are three notable exceptions to this trend.

¹¹¹ Katsambekis, Giorgos and Stavrakakis, Yannis, ‘Populism, anti-populism and European democracy: a view from the South’, Open Democracy (2013)Google Scholar, available at: {https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/can-europe-make-it/populism-anti-populism-and-european-democr/} accessed 14 June 2019.