1 Danilo Aguzzi-Barbagli, editor of the correspondence of Francesco Patrizi da Cherso, has recently noted that Pinelli was the figure “a cui fa capo tanta della vita culturale non solo a Padova, ma di tutta l'ltalia del suo tempo e che rimane una figura ancora non troppo bene conosciuta,” given the lack of attention to his manuscripts surviving in the Ambrosiana. See his introduction to da Cherso, Francesco Patrizi, Lettere ed opuscoli inediti (Florence, 1975), p. xxi.Google Scholar

2 Biographical information on Pinelli comes from his friend, Gualdo, Paolo (1548-1631), Vita Ioannis Vincentii Pinelli (Augsburg, 1607)Google Scholar; republished by Bates, William, ed., Vitae selectomm aliquot virorum … (London, 1691), pp. 314–378 Google Scholar.1 cite the Augsburg edition. The only twentieth-century study is by Rivolta, Adolfo, Catalogo dei codici pinelliani dell'Amhrosiana (Milan, 1933)Google Scholar. See pp. xvii-lxxx for a profile of Pinelli's life, interests, and library. An earlier version of Rivolta's biography is “L'umanista Gian Vincenzo Pinelli, studiato nella Biblioteca Ambrosiana di Milano,” Scuola cattolica, 5th set., 4 (1914), 89-104 and 190-207.

3 The University of Padua was Europe's leading law school in the sixteenth century; cf. Biagio Bruni, “L'Universita dei giuristi in Padova nel Cinquecento: saggio di storia della giurisprudenza e delle universita italiane,” Archivio venetotridentino, 1 (1922), 1-92, especially p. 5 and p. 21. Pinelli later collected law books, especially contemporary publications, but he never demonstrated a special interest in the subject.

4 A trip to the Council of Trent is mentioned by Gualdo, Vita, p. 20. A visit to Naples in 1573 is mentioned in correspondence with Paolo Manuzio. See Ester Pastorello, ed., Epistolario manuziano: inventario cronologico-analitico 1483—1597, Biblioteca di bibliografia italiana, 30 (Florence, 1957), letter 1649, summarized p. 320.

5 Pinelli came to Padua with a letter of recommendation from Bartolommeo Marantha, his botany teacher, who had already dedicated a book to him: Methodi cognoscendorum simplicium libri tres (Venice, Valgrisi, 1559); dedicatory letter, sig. *2—2^V; the letter of introduction is printed in Rivolta, Catalogo, p. li. Gian Vincenzo, who retained a lifelong passion for botany, facilitated the exchange of specimens and information among his friends, especially Felice Aldrovandi, Ferrante Imperato, Carolus Clusius, and Joachim Camerario.

6 Favaro, Antonio, Galileo e lo Studio di Padova (Florence, 1883 Google Scholar; rpt. Padua 1966), I. 51-53. 64; II, 43-

7 A substantial portion of the material had already been stolen from Pinelli's collection before confiscation. The surviving portion (with missing material indicated) is in Venice, Archivio di Stato, Secrete, Archivio proprio di G. V. Pinelli. The material concerns Venetian public affairs, foreign and domestic: relazioni, avvisi, letters, descriptions, etc. All Venetian noble families would have some of this material; it was also sought after by non-Venetians, although the government tried to prevent its circulation.

8 Of the eleven lost chests, eight contained books, two portraits, and one musical and mathematical instruments. This information came from Pinelli's friend and biographer in a letter to Borromeo, 21 February 1609; printed in Rivolta, Catalogo, p. lxxi; cf. Gualdo, Vita, pp. 110-113.

9 “A Sale by Candle in 1608,” The Bibliographical Society (1971), 215-233, and briefly in his Great Libraries (London, 1970), pp. 191-192. Gian Vincenzo's library should not be confused with the later Pinelli collection sold at auction in London in 1789. Maffeo Pinelli (d. 1785) was stampatore ducale at Venice; see a Catalogue of the Magnificent and celebrated Library of Maffeo Pinelli (London, 1789). Earlier catalogues and bibliographical information are in Carlo Frati, Dizionario bio-bibliografico dei bibliotecari e bibliofili italiani dal sec. xiv al xix, ed. Albano Sorbelli (Florence, 1933), pp. 462-463. I do not know if the stampatori ducali were related to the Pinelli of Genoa and Naples.

10 A trick of the trade involved judging when the candle was about to gutter so as to time one's bid properly; another was coughing so as to blow it out at a convenient time. Hobson, “A Sale,” p. 223.

11 An anonymous early seventeenth-century comment among the correspondence of Pinelli and Baccio Valori notes that his library, now in Naples, was “la piu celebre che sia in Italia e che vale a 25 m. scudi.” Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale, Filze Rinuccini, 24, “Lettere a Baccio Valori,” unpag., item 14.

12 Of seventy-three incunables in the 1609 inventory (see below) described clearly enough for identification, twenty-five are presently in the Ambrosiana. Hobson, basing his opinion on the correspondence, judges that Borromeo's agents sold about half the printed works. See “A Sale,” p. 225.

13 On the founding of the Ambrosiana Library, see Bosca, P. P., De origine et statu Bibliothecae Ambrosianae (Milan, 1672)Google Scholar; Ceruti, A., “La Biblioteca Ambrosiana di Milano,” in Gli Istituti scientifici, letterari e artistici di Milano (Milan, 1880)Google Scholar; and his Lettere inedite di dotti italiani del secolo XVI (Milan, 1867). There is no complete printed catalogue to the Ambrosiana manuscript collection, though some subject catalogues have appeared. The most recent survey of the library's history and published catalogues is Paredi, Angelo et al., La Biblioteca Ambrosiana nella inaugurazione della Sala Stocchetti (Milan, 1975)Google Scholar, especially pp. 69-74. The handwritten nineteenth- century inventory is in the course of publication via photo reproduction: Inventario Ceruti dei Mss. della Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Vol. I (A inf.-E inf.;) Vol. II (F inf.-I inf.; A sup. 1-189); Vol. Ill (B sup.-I sup.) (Milan, 1973-77).

14 Rivolta describes 276 Pinelli manuscripts in a catalogue that is far from complete. Thirty manuscripts he must have known but omitted are those with some Greek contents, often only a few pages among predominantly Latin or vernacular material. The Greek portion only is described in Martini and Bassi (see below); Rivolta should have described the non-Greek contents also. I have to date located in the Ambrosiana a further 170 Latin or vernacular manuscripts that once belonged to Pinelli. This brings the total number of presently known manuscripts to 476. Further searching may yield another 100 to 150 Pinelli Latin or vernacular manuscripts in the Ambrosiana.

15 Martini, Emidio and Bassi, Domenico, Catalogus codicum graecorum Bibliothecae Ambrosianae (Milan, 1906)Google Scholar, 2 vols. My references to Pinelli's Greek manuscripts are usually to the Martini and Bassi (MB) number for the sake of brevity and convenience.

16 The best contemporary description is in Gualdo, Vita, pp. 24—29, and it is general in nature. He notes that Pinelli maintained inventories for both manuscripts and printed books. Perhaps the thieving servant took or destroyed them to frustrate detection. They are not among the papers confiscated by the Venetian government, and a new inventory was necessary in 1604 for Pinelli's second heir.

17 “Inventario della libreria di Gio. Vincenzo Pinelli ereditata da Francesco Pinelli,” 140 fols. The works are divided among seventy-eight casse; groups of Greek manuscripts and books are scattered throughout the inventory.

18 “Index librorum Bibliothecae Pinellae secundum ordinem arcarum, in quibus libri inclusi sunt,” 193 fols. (Hereafter I shall refer to entries in this inventory by giving folio numbers followed by line numbers.) Fols. 1-179 contain a list of Latin and vernacular books and manuscripts. This section is dated Naples 17 Feb. [1609], and signed by Fabius Leucus, who copied fols. 1-124, 156-179. Greek books and manuscripts are listed on fols. 181—193, dated Naples 10 Feb. [1609], done by a monk, Constantinus a Nola, who wrote fols. 124—156v and 181-193.

19 Orsini differed from Pinelli in his concentration on manuscripts. He showed less interest in acquiring books and, unlike Gian Vincenzo, felt little impetus to serve other scholars. His intellectual interests and collecting habits were analyzed by Pierre de Nolhac, La Bibliotheque de Fulvio Orsini (Paris, 1887).

20 Gualdo, Vita, p. 30. No manuscripts seem to have been involved. I do not know if the books from Rome form part of the Neapolitan inventory; cf. Hobson, “A Sale,” p. 216.

21 100 soldi = 1 scudo. A scudo, the Venetian ducat of account, and the Florentine florin were roughtly equivalent in value. Two Greek manuscripts were evaluated at 20 scudi: MB 368 (thirteenth century) and MB 907 (1568), the former a Catena in Psalmos, the latter Basil the Great's commentary on Isaiah and two Catenae.

22 For example, the inventory entry on fol. 181, l.i reads: “Dyonis diagoge, Philostras opuscula, et Theophilati dialogi in 4° m.s.,-1.10.” This is MB 572, 22.9 cm. high, containing works of Dion (fol. 1), Philostratus (fol. 16), and Theophylact (fol. 21), which can thus be attributed to Pinelli. In this case the table of contents, fol. II, also contains emendations in Pinelli's secretary's hand.

23 For example, the inventory entry on fol. 181, I.7, “Platonis menexenus, Aris. Ethica cum schol., fo. m.s.,—2.10,” is MB 415, 31.8 cm. high, already known to belong to Pinelli.

24 The fundamental work on Petrarch's library is de Nolhac, Pierre, Petrarque et l'humanisme d'apres un essai de restitution de sa bibliotheque , 2nd ed. (Paris, 1907)Google Scholar; for more recent scholarship, see Giuseppe Billanovich, “Petrarca e i classici,” in Petrarca e il Petrarchismo, Atti del HI Congresso dell’ Associazione Internazionale per gli studi di lingua e letteratura italiana (Bologna, 1961), pp. 21-33; and his “Nella biblioteca di Petrarca,” Italia medioevale e umanistica, 3 (1960), 1-58.

25 See Ullman, B. L., The Humanism of Coluccio Salutati (Padua, 1963), pp. 129 Google Scholar and 138-203.

26 For Niccoli's library, which passed to San Marco and ultimately to Medici hands, see P. A. Stadter and Ullman, B. L., The Public Library of Renaissance Florence (Padua, 1972), pp. 59–60 Google Scholar. A smaller but significant Florentine library belonged to the humanist Antonio Corbinelli (c. 1377-1425), who had at least 173 Latin and 64 Greek manuscripts; see Rudolf Blum, La biblioteca della Badia Fiorentina e i codici di Antonio Corbinelli, Studi e testi, 155 (Vatican City, 1951), pp. 89-94.

27 Franceschini, Adriano, Giovanni Aurispa e la sua biblioteca: notizie e documenti (Padua, 1976), pp. 42–46 Google Scholar.

28 The inventory printed by Omont, H. in Revue des Bibliotheques , 4 (1894), 149–179 Google Scholar, lists 482 Greek and 264 Latin manuscripts.

29 Curt F. Buhler, The Fifteenth-Century Book (Philadelphia, 1960), p. 101; Lucien Febvre and Henri-Jean Martin, L'apparition du livre (Paris, 1958), p. 399.

30 Martin Lowry, “Two Great Venetian Libraries in the Age of Aldus Manutius,” Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library, 57 (1974–75), 128-166; on Grimani, 147. The information comes from Sanudo's Diarii, XXXIV (Venice, 1892), entry of 15 September 1523. The accuracy of the figure is impossible to check, since the collection was dispersed—and perhaps part of it destroyed by fire—after Grimani's death. See also Pearl Kibre, The Library of Pico della Mirandola (New York, 1936), pp. 18-21.

31 Hobson, Great Libraries, pp. 105—109.

32 For example, Pinelli's friend, the botanist Ulisse Aldrovandi of Bologna, left a collection of 360 manuscripts, 3,800 printed works; cf. Catalogo dei manoscrit di Ulisse Aldrovandi, ed. Ludovico Frati (Bologna, 1907), p. x. The size of private collections rose precipitously in the generation after Pinelli.

33 Roberto Ridolfi, “La biblioteca del cardinale Niccolò Ridolfi (1501-1550),” La Bibliofilia, 31 (1929), 173-193.

34 Nolhac, Orsini, pp. 112-115 and 334-395.

35 The Medici Florentine collection: (Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana) S 171 inf.”, “Index librorum bibliothecae Mediceae“; the Vatican Greek: MB 701, “Index codicum graecorum Bibliothecae Vaticanae“; El Escorial: MB 988, “Index aliquorum librorum Regiae Bibliothecae in Scoriaco“; the French collection, copied by Camillo Veneto: MB 956, “Catalogus alphabeticus librorum manuscriptorum, qui in bibliotheca Bellofontana Francisci I Gallorum regis asservabantur, a Constantino Palaeocappa et A. Vergetio confectus“; the Bessarion collection at San Marco: S 171 inf.'', S 171 inf.”, S 171 inf.e, “Index Bibliothecae Nicenae, seu Card, lis Niceni, Bessarionis, quam hie Reip. Venetae legavit.“

36 R n o sup. and S 90 sup., for example, contain lists of contents of other libraries and subject and author lists. Pinelli constantly put this information at the disposal of his friends. One of his last letters, to Giovanni Battista Strozzi at Florence, 20 March 1601, included a list “d'intorno agli autori che trattono cose appartenenti alle navigatione dell'Indie.” Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale, MS. Magliabechiano VIII, 1399, fol. 319.

37 Nolhac, Orsini, pp. 91-109.

38 See Lotte Labowsky, “Manuscripts from Bessarion's Library found in Milan,” Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies, 5 (1961), 108—131. One manuscript is now divided into five parts, all of which Pinelli owned: MB 62, Johannes Philoponus, In III Aristotelis de anima lihrum commentarius; MB 159, Proclus Diadochus, In Platonis Parmenidem commentarius; MB 648 and 727, Nicolaus bishop of Methone, In Prodi Lycii Platonici Institutionem theologicam animadversiones; and MB 938, Hermias, In Platonis Phaedrum scholiorum libri III. After it left Bessarion's collection, the manuscript passed to Niccolo Leonico Tomeo (1456—1531), professor of rhetoric and philosophy at the University of Padua. Pinelli perhaps obtained it at the dispersal of Tomeo's library. The other Bessarion manuscript is MB 180, Damascius, Dubitationes et solutiones de primis principiis (fifteenth century), which once belonged to Bessarion but was not part of his legacy to San Marco. I attribute it to Pinelli on the basis of the 1609 inventory, fol. 190v, I.4.

39 The 1604 inventory includes thirteen book catalogues.

40 The Psalter, X 104 sup. and X 104 sup. bis, is described by Enrico Galbiati, “I manoscritti etiopici dell'Ambrosiana,” in Studi in onore di Carlo Castiglione (Milan, 1957)y PP- 339-353, especially pp. 341- 342. His treatment is an amplification of the work of Sylvain Grebaut, “Catalogue des manuscrits Éthiopiens de la Bibliothèque Ambrosienne,” Revue de l'Orient chretien, 29 (1933-34), 3∼32- Originally one manuscript, the Psalter was divided after restoration in 1956. Neither portion contains any sign of ownership, but the manuscript corresponds to Pinelli's 1609 inventory listing, fol. 183, I.15: “Psalteriu. Etiopic. m.s. in 8°-2.10.” MS. X 104 sup. is 13.5 cm. tall; given the fact that this is the only Ethiopian Psalter in the Ambrosiana, attribution to Pinelli seems reasonable. The value assigned—two lire, ten soldi—indicates that it was not considered precious in 1609. Galbiati suggests, p. 341, that it was bound at the Abyssinian monastery of S. Stefano dei Mori, Rome.

41 On Venetian-Paduan intellectual circles, see Gaetano Cozzi, “Galileo, Paolo Sarpi e la societa veneziana,” in Paolo Sarpi tra Venezia e Europa (Turin, 1979), pp. 135—234; and Oliver Logan, Culture and Society in Venice 1470—1790 (New York, 1972), ch. 5, “Intellectual life,” especially pp. 72-74 and 87-91. An overview of late sixteenth-century Italian antiquarianism is Arnaldo Momigliano, “Ancient History and the Antiquarian,” in Contributo alia storia degli studi classici (Rome, 1955), pp. 67—106, especially pp. 73—79, reprinted from Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 13 (1950), 284-315.

42 We know little of Vernalione. He seems to have been a mathematician as well as a teacher. In a 1590 letter to his former pupil, he refers to his retirement from “professione di lettere” because of age and infirmity. The rest of the letter, MS. S 93 sup., fol. 293, discusses a correction to the text of Euclid and emendations to Ptolemy's Geography. His Greek expertise is indicated by his “Opinione intorno all'iscrizione greca di S. Paolo in Napoli,” MS. D 216 inf., fols. 96-99. A brief mention of Vernalione's career as mathematician and philosopher is in Carlo Villani, Scfittori ed artisti pugliesi antichi, moderni e contemporanei (Trani, 1904), p. 1136. An earlier work describes him as a lawyer, but it makes no reference to his interests, which are documented in the Ambrosiana manuscripts. See Tommaso Arcudi, Galatina letterata (Genoa, 1709), p. 141.

43 Gualdo, Vita, p. 17. One of Pinelli's manuscripts, MB 486, contains Eustathius’ commentary on Homer.

44 On the philological circle at Padua, see Pierre Costil, André Dudith, Humaniste hongrois 1533—1589: sa vie, son oeuvre et ses manuscrits grecs (Paris, 1935), pp. 90-97; on the edition of Dionysius, pp. 235-260, especially pp. 237-241.

45 After Ellebodio's death, Pinelli purchased his library. His Greek manuscripts are MB 609, 626, 703, 716, 749, 758, 776, 974, 1038, 1066, 1071, 1075, 1076, 1077. The Nemesius edition was published at Anvers, 1565; Costil, Dudith, p. 92.

46 Two copies of the work survive in Pinelli's collection: R 117 sup., fols. 171-188; C 257 inf., fols. 190-206^v.

47 Lettere di principi, le quali 0 si scrivono da principi 0 a’ principi … Libro primo (Venice, 1564), fols. 227v-228; quote, fol. 228.

48 Gian Vincenzo's letters are sprinkled with philological observations, Latin as well as Greek, but it is difficult to judge their quality. He usually offered a variant reading (or readings) to a text that interested his correspondent, drawing upon his own erudition or passing on information from another scholar, manuscript, or annotated printed edition. His correspondence with Pier Vettori (1499-1585), the great Florentine editor and commentator on Aristotle's Rhetoric, Ethics, Politics, and Poetics, offers a good sample of his interests. Gian Vincenzo's 79 letters (1566-1584), discuss words and passages in Euripides, Hippocrates, Proclus, Aristotle's Politics, Xenophon, Plutarch, and others. British Library, MS. Additional, 10277, fols. 212- 218; MS. Additional, 10270, fols. 243-393.

49 MB 567, 570, 646, 754, 849.

50 Though the quantity varies considerably, Pinelli's notes are found in at least the following manuscripts: MB 184, 564, 578, 579, 583, 600, 629, 644, 651, 788, 804, 851, 992, 1068.

51 MB 721, 885, and 1072.

52 He owned the Frederic Sylburg, Heidelberg, 1592 edition; I have not found a copy of the Pier Vettori, Florence, 1550 edition in the inventories.

53 The Catenae, collections of excerpts from the Fathers on scriptural passages, are MB 522, 681, and 904. His Bibles were an Aldine 1518 edition (fol. 191^v, 1.7); three volumes of a Strassbourg edition (fol. 186, l.io), probably part of the four volumes issued “Apud Vuolphium Cephal.,” in 1526 and 1524; and a Plantin Hebrew-Greek Bible in octavo (fol. 185v, I.14), possibly separate Greek and Hebrew editions bound together. Plantin published a Greek quarto in 1566 and 1584, and a Hebrew quarto Old Testament in 1566 and 1580/82. See the Historical Catalogue of the Printed Editions of Holy Scripture in the Library of the British and Foreign Bible Society, compiled by T. H. Darlow and H. F. Moule (London, 1911), Vol. II: Polyglots and Languages Other Than English, nos. 4594, 4602, 4645, 5099, 5104.

54 Although the mathematical Renaissance began with Regiomontanus (1436- 1476), the renewal was carried much further in Pinelli's lifetime. See Paul Lawrence Rose, The Italian Renaissance of Mathematics, Travaux d'humanisme et Renaissance, 145 (Geneva, 15)75).

55 Moletti was a particular friend of Pinelli, and Gian Vincenzo acquired his library, which included some mathematical manuscripts (none in Greek), after his death. Rivolta, Catalogo, pp. xlv-xlvi, 247-253.

56 Pappi Alexandrini Mathematicae Collectiones à Federico Commandino Vrbinate in Latinum conversae et commentariis illustratae (Pesaro, 1588); republished Venice, 1588/ 89. The manuscript tradition of Pappus is very complex. I have traced the use of Pinelli's manuscript by following the analysis of A. P. Treweek, “Pappus of Alexandria: the Manuscript Tradition of the Collectio Mathematical Scriptorium, 11 (1957), 195-233; Rose, Renaissance of Mathematics, pp. 224-225, 238, and his “Jacomo Contarini (1536—1595), a Venetian Patron and Collector of Mathematical Instruments and Books,” Physis, 18 (1976), 119-130, especially 122-123, are also useful. Contarini, who was a friend of Pinelli, procured the manuscript Barozzi used; presumably he also arranged the copying of book ii from Pinelli's manuscript. Treweek does not mention Guidobaldo's role in the preparation of die text except to refer (erroneously, according to Rose, Renaissance of Mathematics, p. 238) to notes and diagrams by him in MS. Burney 105. A summary of the Pappus translation, without reference to Pinelli's manuscript, is also in Marjorie Boyer, “Pappus,” Catalogus Translationum et Commentariorum, 3 vols. (Washington, D.C., 1960,1971,1976), II, 207-209, and III, 426-428.

57 The Argentoratensis manuscript was destroyed in 1870. The other source for Pinelli's copy was the present Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek (Gudianus gr. 7), which belonged in the sixteenth century to Bernardo Macigno and Nicolo Trevisano of Padua; Treweek, “Pappus,” 201, 222. Costil, Dudith, p. 227, identifies Macigno as a Paduan private collector whose library is now in Wolfenbiittel. Trevisano may be the lecturer in law listed among the employees of the University of Padua in 1598 by Antonio Riccoboni, De gymnasio patavino commentariorum libri sex (Padua, 1598), p. 182. His library is among the seventeenth-century collections described by Jacopo Filippo Tomasini, Bibliothecae patavinae manuscriptae publicae et privatae (Udine, 1639), pp. 107-114, but by that time it belonged to his nephew (p. 107).

58 The passage is in Mechanics in Sixteenth-Century Italy: Selections from Tartaglia, Benedetti, Guido Ubaldo, & Galileo, trans. Stillman Drake and I. E. Drabkin (Madison, 1969), p-321-

59 Savile made contact with Pinelli in the 1580's, during his extended travels on the continent. I have not found a study of his work, although Costil, Dudith,pussim, especially pp. 304-311, describes his contacts with Dudith and Pinelli's circle and their exchange of manuscripts. Savile had a particular interest in mathematics; MB 944 is a series of questions on ancient Greek mathematics composed by him and annotated by Pinelli. He lectured on the history of Greek mathematics at Oxford in 1570; Rose, Renaissance of Mathematics, p. 260. For further biographical information, see H. C. Maxwell Lyte, A History of Eton College (1440—1910) (London, 1911), pp. 184—192.

60 R no sup., fols. 254-254v. Rome, 12 April 1582; Raimondi sends “il libro, nel fine del quale sono le figure del Pappo et altre, servasene Lei quanto li piacera.“

61 Treweek, “Pappus,” p. 199.

62 Baldi mentioned his use of the Pinelli manuscript in his Vita di Herone Alessandrino, MS. D 332 inf., fols. 106^v—107^v; my citation is from Rose, Renaissance of Mathematics, pp. 246, 271. The manuscript, which belonged to Gian Vincenzo, is not in Rivolta's Catalogo.

63 On Pinelli's relationship with Giannotti, see Randolph Starn, Donato Giannotti and his Epistolae: Biblioteca Universitaria Alessandrina, Rome, Ms. 107, Travaux d'humanisme et Renaissance, 97 (Geneva, 1968), pp. 2—5. Thirteen Giannotti works owned by Pinelli are listed in MS. I 230 inf.; Starn, p. 3, describes it as an inventory of Pinelli manuscripts compiled c. 1570-80. It has value as an early indication of some of his vernacular and Latin holdings, but it is very short compared with the post-1600 inventories.

64 The text is in Drake and Drabkin, Mechanics, p. 295. Galileo's relationship with Pinelli (including the gift of the compass) has been meticulously examined by Favaro, Galileo, I, 49, 51, 52, 53, 138, 208 (compass); II, 43, 52-59, 70-71, 122, 191, 201. I have found nothing further.

65 The manuscript has two numbers because it is now divided between pictures and text. The first printed edition of the manuscript appeared in 1819: Iliadis Fragmenta antiquissima, cum picturis. Item scholia Vetera ad Odysseam, ed. Angelo Mai (Milan, 1819). The most recent edition is Ilias Ambrosiana Cod. F. 205. Inf. Bibliothecae Ambrosianae Mediolanensis, Fontes Ambrosianae, 28 (Berne, 1953). An evaluation of the manuscript is in David Diringer, The Illuminated Book, rev. ed. (New York, 1967), pp. 33-34-

66 Six Ambrosiana manuscripts of the Iliad, including the Painted Homer, can be identified as Pinelli's: MB 152, 441, 450, 463, 532,1019-1020, on the basis of internal evidence (usually an attribution by Antonio Olgiato, the Ambrosiana's first librarian). However, only one can be matched to a description in the 1609 inventory: MB 450, fol. 183,1.24. Those that cannot be matched are on fols. 190,1.18; 190,1.23; 191, I.20; 190v, l.10; and 192, l.1.

67 This is really one manuscript, the Painted Homer, which is now divided.

68 His name is known because he signed MB 908, fol. 283.

69 While many Greeks and Cretans immigrated to Venice and then traveled elsewhere in Europe, many others remained in the city. The Greek colony may have numbered about 15,000 by 1580 according to Deno Geanakoplos, Byzantine East and Latin West (Oxford, 1966), p. 122. See also Freddy Thjriet, “Sur les communautes grecque et albanaise à Venise,” in Venezia centro di mediazione tra oriente e occidente (secoli xv-xvi), ed. Hans-Georg Beck, Manoussas Manoussacs, and Agostino Pertusi (Florence, 1977), I, 217-231.

70 That is, they each copied complete texts or parts of texts which are presently bound together. The manuscripts Moro copied are listed in Marie Vogel and Victor Gardthausen, Die griechischen Schreiber des Mittelalters und der Renaissance (Leipzig, 1909), pp. 279-280. One further Moro manuscript has come to light: Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Gr. Cl. XI, codex 30, which contains material copied for Jacomo Contarini by Moro, Camillo Veneto, and an unidentified Pinelli scribe. See Costil, Dudith, p. 298n.

71 Costil, Dudith, pp. 239-241.

72 On Camillo Veneto and his father, see Emidio Martini, “Chi era il copista Camillo Veneto?,” Atti della R. Accademia di archaeologia, lettere e belle arti di Napoli, n.s., 2 (1910), 269-277; he confuses father and son. Roberto Cessi, “Notizie varie [su Camillo Zanetti],” Nuovo archivio veneto, n.s., 31 (1916), 494-498; and his “Bartolomeo e Camillo Zanetti, tipografi e calligrafi del ‘500,” Archivio veneto-tridentino, 8 (1925), 174-182. The market for Greek manuscripts in sixteenth-century Venice and some wages earned by copyists are described by Jean Irigoin, “Les ambassadeurs a Venise et le commerce des manuscrits grecs dans les années 1540-1550,” in Venezia centro di mediazione, pp. 400-415. He notes (p. 412) that in 1562 Camillo Veneto earned seven ducats for copying a manuscript of 190 folios for the French ambassador to Venice.

73 F.J. Norton, Italian Printers, 1501—1520 (London, 1958), pp. 33-34.

74 Omont, H., “Catalogue des manuscrits grecs de Guillaume Pelicier,” Bibliotheque de l'Ecole des Chartes , 46 (1885), 598–599 Google Scholar, a manuscript of Sextus Empiricus for Pellicier, the bishop of Montpellier, with the subscription: “Hoc opus per me Camillum Barthol. de Zannettis Briscian. scriptum est sub anno a Virginis puerperio M° D. XXXXII, in alma Venetiarum urbe.“

75 The evidence for a Roman sojourn is a manuscript copied there in 1552 for the cardinal of Burgos attributed to perhaps a mistake for . I have not seen the manuscript, which is described in E. Miller, Bibliothèque Royale de Madrid. Catalogue des mss. grecs, in Les notices et extraits des mss. de la Bibliothèque Nationale et autres bibliothèques, 31, 2 (1886), p. 81, but the possibility of a mistake is mentioned by Vogel and Gardthausen, Die griechischen Schreiber, p. 227.

76 The text is in Cessi, “Notizie varie,” pp. 494-495. The Senate awarded him a lump settlement of 100 ducats. I have been unable to find evidence for a Spanish printing career.

77 Sixty-eight of the sixty-nine texts that he copied for Pinelli are among those listed in Vogel and Gardthausen, Die griechischen Schreiber, pp. 228-230. MB 147 is missing.

78 MS. S 109 sup., fol. 34; printed in Francesco Patrizi da Cherso, Lettere, ed. Aguzzi-Barbagli, p. 7.

79 MB 530, 636, 743, 812, 853, 871, 954, 978, 1035, 1040, 1052.

80 A note in Camillo Veneto's hand in MB 908, fol. 344, indicates that Pinelli obtained the text, scholia to Aristotle's Metaphysics, from Patrizi.

81 Pinelli either shared his copyist with Camillo Bossio or had a copy of Porphyry's commentary on Ptolemy's Harmonicorutn libri tres (MB 1023) made for him.

82 The 1609 inventory lists only 69 works, reflecting either losses or the differing skills of the inventory compilers.

83 Index Aureliensis. Catalogus librorum sedecimo saeculo impressorum (Baden-Baden, 1962-).

84 F. Edward Cranz, A Bibliography of Aristotle Editions, 1501-1600 (Baden-Baden, 1971); Frederick R. Goff (comp. and ed.), Incunabula in American Libraries: A Third Census (New York, 1973), A 959.

85 From Bessarion; see n. 35 above; identical to MB 743, T 113 sup., a copy made by CV for Francesco Patrizi.