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Between the Italian Renaissance and the French Enlightenment: Gabriel Naudé as an Editor*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 November 2018

Paul Oskar Kristeller
Paul Oskar Kristeller*
Affiliation:
Columbia University
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Extract

Although I am not an expert in French History and Literature, I have been occasionally prompted to touch the borders of this field when studying the history of philosophy and of learning. This paper, in spite of its somewhat pretentious title, deals in fact with a group of minor bibliographical data that are not even completely unknown. Since in my opinion bibliography, although a modest tool of research, is in a way the skeleton or scaffolding of literary and of intellectual history, I shall try to add some flesh to the bones of those data, and to use them for gaining a broader perspective. I have now been encouraged to look more closely at some facts and questions of which I had been aware for a long time, but which I had not really faced.

Type
Research Article
Information
Renaissance Quarterly , Volume 32 , Issue 1 , Spring 1979 , pp. 41 - 72
Copyright
Copyright © Renaissance Society of America 1979

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Footnotes

*

This paper was delivered as the Hayward Keniston Lecture at the University of Michigan on March 31, 1975. It was repeated before the Columbia University Seminar on the Renaissance on February 17, 1976. wish to thank Professor Edward P. Mahoney for having encouraged me to pursue the topic of this paper, and for much valuable information. I am also indebted for information and references to the following scholars: Lienhard Bergel, Silvano Cavazza, Creighton Gilbert, Julius Held, Marion Kuntz, Martin Pine, Leonora Cohen Rosenfield and Susan Senneff.

References

1 I agree with Ludwig Bertalot who characterized bibliography ‘als Rueckgrat der Literaturgeschichte.’ Bertalot, L., Studien zum italienischen und deutschen Humanismus (Rome, 1975), II, 265 Google Scholar.

2 Charbonnel, J. R., La pensée italienne au XVI e siècle et le courant libertin (Paris, 1919)Google Scholar; Busson, H., Le rationalisme dans la littérature française de la Renaissance (Paris, 1922; new ed., 1957)Google Scholar; Pintard, R., Le libertinage érudit dans la première moitié du XV e siècle, 2 vols. (Paris, 1943)Google Scholar; the same, La Mothe le Vayer, Gassendi, Guy Patin (Paris, n.d.).

3 Kristeller, P. O., ‘The Myth of Renaissance Atheism and the French Tradition of Free Thought,’ Journal of the History of Philosophy, 6 (1968), 233–244 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; ‘Le mythe de l'athéisme de la Renaissance et la tradition française de la libre pensée,’ Bibliothèque d'Humanisme et Renaissance, 37 (1975), 337-348.

4 For a bibliography of the writings of Naudé, see: Naudeana et Patiniana (Amsterdam, 1703), 237—254; Nicéron, J. P., Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire des hommes illustres dans la République des Lettres, IX (Paris, 1729), 83–110 Google Scholar; R. Pintard, Lelibertinage, II (1943), 689-692.

5 On the Naudaeana, see Pintard, La Mothe le Vayer, pp. 47-61. I examined most of the mss. cited by Pintard, but found no evidence that any of them goes back to Naude's own time.

6 Sainte-Beuve, C. A., Portraits littéraires, II (Paris, 1882), 467–512, 522-524Google Scholar.

7 Rice, James V., Gabriel Naudé 1600-1653, The Johns Hopkins Studies in Romance Literatures and Languages, 35 (Baltimore, 1939)Google Scholar; Clarke, Jack A., Gabriel Naudé 1600-1653 (Hamden, Conn. 1970)Google Scholar.

8 Pintard, Le libertinage, I, 156-178, 206-214, 245-270, and passim. Popkin, Richard H., The History of Scepticism from Erasmus to Descartes (rev. ed., New York, 1964), pp. 89–92 Google Scholar.

9 Rice (p. 9) gives February 2, but Pintard found a document giving the correct date (Le libertinage, I, 156; II, 598).

10 Lutz, G., Kardinal Giovanni Francesco Guidi di Bagno: Politik und Religion im Zeitalter Richelieus und Urbans VIII, Bibliothek des Deutschen Historischen Instituts in Rom, 34 (Tuebingen, 1971)Google Scholar.

11 The work was reprinted in 1653, 1669, 1679 and 17l2 and translated into English (1657) and German (1704, 1787). On Naude and magic, see Thorndike, L., A History of Magic and Experimental Science, VII (New York, 1958), 301–302 Google Scholar.

12 The work was reprinted in 1667, 1673, 1679, 1712, 1723, 1739, 1744 and 1752 and translated into German (1668, Vatican Library) and English (1711). Cf. Meinecke, F., Die Idee der Staatsraeson (Munich, 1963), 232–242 Google Scholar; von Albertini, R., Das politische Denken in Frankreich zur Zeit Richelieus (Marburg, 1951), 193–195 Google Scholar.

13 Reprinted 1644, 1676 and 1963, and translated into English (by John Evelyn, 1661, repr. 1903 and ed. A. Taylor, 1950 and 1976) and Danish (1971). A Latin version was printed in 1658 and with Maderus in 1703. Cf. The Earl of Crawford and Balcares (D. A. E. Lindsay), ‘Gabriel Naude and John Evelyn,’ The Library, 4th ser., 12 (1932), 381-408. I understand that this work is still studied in library schools today for its conception of a universal library open to all scholars.

14 Reprinted in 1641, 1642, 1645, 1663, 1673, 1683, 1684 and 1712. A French version was printed in 1642. Cf. Bissel, C., Die Bibliographia politica des Gabriel Naudé (Erlangen, 1966, with a German translation, pp. 90–129)Google Scholar.

15 Yates, Frances, The Rosicrucian Enlightenment (London and Boston, 1972), pp. 103–110 Google Scholar.

16 Edelman, Nathan, Attitudes of Seventeenth-Century France toward the Middle Ages (New York, 1946), pp. 25–28 Google Scholar, and passim.

17 For descriptions of these editions, see below, Appendix I, under the respective authors.

18 See Appendix I, under Thomas Carraeus, Michel Constantin, Georgius Heser and Thomas a Kempis.

19 ‘Cum in posteriori sua peregrinatione Italica Urbini manuscriptum hoc opus nactus esset.’ This preface is found in the first edition of 1635 a“d repeated, without date and subscription, in the second edition of 1654.

20 Thorndike, VIII (1958). 504.

21 ‘… parum certe ex officio et vitae meae instituto facere viderer, si quas artes Leonardus Aretinus … ad Isabellae Malatestae institutionem afferendas censuit, easdem omnes, postquam casu valde mihi propitio in manus meas venerunt, non adhibendas quoque informationi tuae censerem… .’ The preface mentions Lucas Holstenius and Leo Allatius as tutors of Lucretia's brothers. Bruni's treatise, widely diffused in manuscripts and editions, was published in a critical edition by Hans Baron (Leonardo Bruni Aretino, Humanistisch- Philosophische Schriften, ed. H. Baron [Leipzig and Berlin, 1928], pp. 5-19). It is dedicated to Baptista (not Isabella) de Malatestis.

22 ‘… libellum hunc, quern mihi succissivis [sic] horis dictaverat’ (sc. Campanella). The tradition of this work depends entirely on Naude's edition which was published three years after Campanella's death (1639), purportedly to defend Campanella against his critics ('vindicandi Campanellam ab eiusmodi censuris,’ says the preface). After Naudé had cultivated Campanella's friendship in Rome for some time and had taken down the De libris propriis as dictated by Campanella, the two friends had a serious quarrel, and one of Campanella's complaints was Naude's failure to publish De libris propriis, as promised. See Amabile, L., Fra Tommaso Campanella ne’ Castelli di Napoli, in Roma e in Parigi (Naples, 1887), I, 437–453 Google Scholar; II, 262—272 (where the letters exchanged between Naude and Peiresc on Campanella are given, 1632—36). Naudé published in 1644 a Panegyricus in praise of Campanella and reportedly composed a biography of Campanella which is lost. According to L. Firpo (Bibliografia degli scrittidi Tommaso Campanella [Turin, 1940], pp. 127—128), the De libris propriis was revised by Naude who omitted and added passages after Campanella's death.

23 ‘Passa tandem est exorari se modestia tua (Clarissime Diodate) ut praefationem, quam apparere sub tuo nomine in Cremonini libello volueram, nunc demum cum istis Hieronymi Cardani de vita sua commentariis acciperes.’ The preface is dated ‘Parisiis IV Kalend. Octob. MDCXLII.’ We learn from a letter written by Naude to Diodatus from Paris on August 25, 1629 that he planned at that time to dedicate to Diodati an edition of Cremonini's De semine: ‘si tractatum de semine, cuius copiam post meum e Patavio discessum … Domino Forget… caeterisque auditoribus suis fecit [Cremoninus] et quern … praeceptores et amici mei, Dominus Joannes Riolanus et Dominus Renatus Moreau typis demandatum iri vehementer exoptant, tibi … benevolentia suscipias’ (the text is corrupt at the end). Naudé, Epistolae (1667), pp. 107-108. Cremonini's treatise was actually printed in Holland in 1634, but there is no evidence that Naudé had any connection with this edition.

24 In his preface to Cardinal Laelius Biscia, Durand states: ‘Cum Romam venissem … delatus etiam in Bibliothecam tuam … libellum de dentibus Hieronymi Cardani in ea nondum editum et manu autoris exaratum inveni… cum e Bibliotheca tua exemplar fuerim mutuatus… .’ In the preface to the reader, Durand gives an ‘Index scriptorum Hieronymi Cardani quae in Bisciana Bibliotheca servantur.’ It lists as no. 5: ‘Eiusdem de propria vita liber capitibus quinquaginta quatuor comprehensus.’

25 Many letters of Guy Patin were addressed to Charles Spon. See Lettres de Gui Patin, ed. J.-H. Reveille-Parise, 3 vols. (Paris, 1846). According to a communication from Prof. Claude Palisca, Naudé also planned to publish Doni's Deux Traktes de Musique and the same author's Lyra Barberina, but was unable to carry out his intention.

26 Nifo's De pulchro was quoted by Crousaz, J. P., Traité du Beau, 2nd ed. (Amsterdam, 1724). I, 190 Google Scholar.

27 Nourrisson, J. F., Machiavel (Paris, 1875), 192-233Google Scholar; F. Fiorentino, “Del Principe del Machiavelli e di un libro di Agostino Nifo,” Giornale Napoletano, N.S. 1 (1879), 94-114; Valletta, G., “A proposito di un plagio di Agostino Nifo,” Lettere Italiane, 3 (1951), 65–82 Google Scholar; the same, “II ‘Principe’ di Machiavelli e il ‘De regnandi peritia’ di Agostino Nifo,” Annali delta Facolta di Lettere e Filosofia, (Naples), 1 (1951), 137-156; G. Procacci, , Studi sulla fortuna del Machiavelli (Rome, 1965)Google Scholar. For an introduction to Nifo's life and writings, see Mahoney, Edward P., ‘Agostino Nifo,’ Dictionary of Scientific Biography, X (New York, 1974), 122–124 Google Scholar.

28 ‘eo me putabam esse defunctum officio, quod nonnullorum librorum editione, qui vel MS. in Bibliothecis latent, vel typis exarati, minus tamen frequentes videntur, literatorum commodis impendere soleo.’

29 For the text of the passage, and a summary identification of the writers listed by Naudé, see Appendix II. The passage has been reprinted, with some omissions, by Croce, Benedetto, Aneddoti di varia letteratura, 2nd ed., II (Bari, 1953), 161–162 Google Scholar. The list is by no means complete, but it contains many names now obscure. The emphasis is on writings in Latin rather than in Italian. For an obscure Italian philosopher mentioned and in a way preserved by Naudé, see Paola Zambelli, ‘Une réincarnation de Jean Pic à l'époque de Pomponazzi: les theses magiques et hérétiques d'un aristotelicien oublié, Tiberio Russiliano Sesto Calabrese (1519),’ Akademic e der Wissenschaften und der Literatur (Mainz), Abhandlungen der Geistes-und Sozialwissenschaftlkhen Klasse, 1977, No. 10.

30 ‘contigit ut in hunc Hieronymi Rorarii manuscriptum codicem inciderem … existimavi propterea nihil me aut voto meo iuvandi bonas artes aut sapientum hominum desiderio convenientius facturum, quam si eum in Gallias mecum deferrem et typographorum opera publicae luci atque libcrtati vindicarem’ (pp. 3-4).

31 ‘Typographus lectori. Voti mei fuisset libellum hunc minime in lucem emittere, nisi notis illustratum, quas in ipsum paene confectas habebat clarissimus Naudaeus. Verum quoniam propter suum in Italiam discessum absolvere illas tempestive non potuit, ut primae istius cditioni inscrvirent, cavebo in posterum, ne si denuo recudatur, commentariis illis apprime doctis et elaboratis destituare.’

32 Holstenius worked on several Neoplatonic authors previously studied or translated by Ficino. There are or were also two manuscripts in Hamburg that contain translations of Hermias, Jamblichus and Theon by Ficino and that were copied for Holstenius. Yet it is not sure that Holstcnius recognized Ficino as the translator, and he did not think highly of these translations. Cf. Kristeller, P. O., Supplementum Ficinianum, I (Florence, 1937; rpt. 1973), pp. XXX-XXXIGoogle Scholar.

33 Cardanus, Depraeceptis ad filios (1635), see above, n. 19; and Chiaramonti, De atra bile (1641), seen. 20.

34 Martin, H. J., Livre, pouvoir et société à Paris au XVII e siècle, 2 vols. (Geneva, 1969)Google Scholar.

35 Leonardo Bruni, Campanella, Naudé's own Exercitatio, and the French version of his Bibliographia politica.

36 For Basel: Luchsinger, F., Der Basler Buchdruck ah Vermittler italienischen Geistes (1470-1529) (Basel, 1953)Google Scholar; Bietenholz, P., Der italienische Humanismus und die Blitetezeit des Buchdrucks in Basel (Basel, 1959)Google Scholar. For Lyons: Baudrier, H. L., Bibliographie Lyonnaise, 12 vols. (Lyons, 1895-1921)Google Scholar.

37 See my article cited above in n. 3.

38 See above, n. 22.

39 Misch, G., Geschichte der Autobiographic IV, pt. 2, ed. Bernd Neumann (Frankfurt, 1969), 696–732 Google Scholar. Ibid., pp. 735-736 on Campanella.

40 Liruti, G. G., Notizie delle vite ed opere scritte da’ Letterati del Friuli, II (Venice, 1762), 245—278 Google Scholar; Paschini, P., ‘Un pordenonese nunzio papale nel sccolo XVI, Gerolamo Rorario,’ Memorie storiche forogiuliesi, 30 (1934), 169–216 Google Scholar.

41 The Heroica historia (in 21 books) is preserved in ms. Laur. Redi 176 ( Kristeller, P. O., Iter Italicum, I [Leydenand London, 1963], p. 79 Google Scholar). Two dialogues are found in ms. Marc. lat. XIV 47 (4705), fols. 11-24 ( Kristeller, P. O., Iter II [Leyden and London, 1967], p. 263 Google Scholar) and published in Memorie per servire all'istoria letteraria e civile, II (Venice, 1763), fasc. 1-4. All ten dialogues are contained in Vienna ms. 9597 and in a late copy in Rome, Bibliotcca Nazionale, ms. S. Gregorio 16 (Iter, II, 125). Liruti, and more recently Paschini, attribute to Rorarius the dialogue Julius Exclusus. See Paschini, P., ‘L'autore del dialogo satirico contro Giulio II,’ Atti dell'Accademia degli Arcadi, N.S. 13, 1934-35 (1937), 85–98 Google Scholar. The dialogue has been attributed to Fausto Andrelini by C. Stange (Erasmus undJulius II, [Berlin, 1937]; ‘Girolamo Rorario und Julius II,’ Zeitschriftfuer systematische Theologie, 18, 1941, 535-588) and to Erasmus by Wallace K. Ferguson (Erasmi Opuscula [The Hague, 1933], pp. 38-124). Cf. Marcia L. Colish, ‘Seneca's Apocolocyntosis as a Possible Source for Erasmus’ Julius Exclusus,’ Renaissance Quarterly, 29 (1976), 361-368; McConica, James K., ‘Erasmus and the “Julius”,’ in The Pursuit of Holiness in Late Medieval and Renaissance Religion, ed. C. Trinkaus and H. K. Oberman (Leyden, 1974), pp. 444—471 Google Scholar; The Julius Exclusus of Erasmus, tr. P. Pascal, with an introduction by J. Kelly Sowards (Bloomington, 1968).

42 Siena ms. H IX 6 (Iter, II, 165). This ms. lacks the preface to Granvelle, and it gives towards the very end a long passage that attacks the French and praises Charles V and that was omitted by Naudé. In the Siena manuscript and in the Helmstedt edition of 1728, the title is ‘Quod animalia bruta saepe ratione utantur melius homine libri duo.’ Naudé omitted the word saepe.

43 Bruta animalia ratione uti (Cryllus). Similar views are also found in Montaigne's Apologie de Raymond de Sebonde.

44 Boas, George, The Happy Beast in French Thought of the Seventeenth Century (Baltimore, 1933; rept. New York, 1966), 37–40 Google Scholar; Rosenfield, Leonora Cohen, From Beast-Machine to Man-Machine (New York, 1941; enlarged ed., New York, 1968)Google Scholar.

45 Bayle, P., Dictionnaire Historique et Critique, XII (Paris, 1820), 588–622 Google Scholar.

46 Leibniz, ‘Réplique (Réponse) aux Reflexions contenues dans la seconde édition du Dictionnaire Critique de Mr. Bayle, article Rorarius sur le système de l'harmonie préétablie,’ first published in the Histoire critique de la république des lettres, XI (1702). Reprinted in Leibniz, Opera philosophica, ed. J. E. Erdmann (Berlin, 1840), pp. 183-191, and in Leibniz, Die philosophischen Schriften, ed. C. I. Gerhardt, IV (Berlin, 1880; rept. Hildesheim, i960), pp. 554-571. The latter edition also contains ‘Extrait du Dictionnaire de M. Bayle article Rorarius p. 2599 sqq. de l'Edition de l'an 1702 avec mes remarques’ (pp. 524-555).

47 F. Barbaro: III, 85-87. Bruni: II, 292-295. Pomponazzi: XII, 226-244. Cardano: IV, 436-451. Nifo: XI, 175-182. Bayle mentions of course many other scholars of the Italian Renaissance from a variety of sources.

48 Hazard, Paul, La crise de la conscience européenne (1680-1715) (Paris, 1935), I, 44–45 and II, 289-291Google Scholar. Gay, Peter, The Enlightenment: An Interpretation, 2 vols. (New York, 1966-69), I, 290-295Google Scholar.

49 See my article cited in n. 3.

50 See Appendix II.

51 For Naudé's links with Renaissance humanism and his ambiguous historical outlook, see Curtis, D. E., Progress and Eternal Recurrence in the Work of Gabriel Naudé (Hull, 1967).Google Scholar