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Defining American Jewish Ethnicity

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  30 July 2009

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The Child of Eastern European Jewish immigrants, American Jewish ethnicity grew from a complex synthesis of Jewish immigrant and American urban life. As the historian Timothy Smith observes, “That this nation's ethnic groups, viewed structurally, were made in America by voluntary association of newcomers has long been evident.” Yet nineteenth-century German Jewish immigrants to the United States, who pioneered in developing ethnic Jewish fraternal associations, elaborated a religious definition of Jewish group identity. American Jewish ethnicity as an ideology and social reality defining Jewish group life in the United States emerged in the years preceding World War II, when a native-born generation of Jews came of age. These second-generation Jews were descendants of the massive Eastern European immigration of 1880–1920, which peaked in 1906. Seeking to become fully American, second-generation Jews climbed out of lower-class jobs and poor immigrant neighborhoods. Norman Podhoretz, who moved from a lower-class section of New York City to an upper-middle-class one, writes that “one of the longest journeys in the world is the journey from Brooklyn to Manhattan — or at least from certain neighborhoods in Brooklyn to certain parts of Manhattan.”

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Research Article
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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1981

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References

NOTES

1. Smith, Timothy L., “Religion and Ethnicity in America,” American Historical Review, 83, No. 5 (12 1978), 1168.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2. German and Sephardic Jews preceded Eastern European Jews to the United States, the Sephardim migrating during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in small numbers and the German Jews coming during the nineteenth century, with peak years in the 1850s. Neither Sephardic nor German Jews emphasized the ethnic components of Jewish life; the former made the community coextensive with the synagogue, while the latter opted for a religious definition of Jewish identification. See Jick, Leon A., The Americanization of the Synagogue, 1820–1870 (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1976), esp. Chaps. 1 and 2.Google Scholar

3. In 1906 more than 152,000 Jews from Eastern Europe entered the United States. During the ten years 1904–14 more than a million Jews came to America, as against approximately 700,000 during the preceding two dozen years. Rischin, Moses, The Promised City: New York's Jews 1870–1914 (New York: Corinth, 1962), p. 270.Google Scholar

4. Podhoretz, Norman, Making It (New York: Random House, 1967), p. 3Google Scholar

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6. Since the term became popular in the United States about a dozen years ago, debate has raged over a definition of “ethnicity,” and little consensus has been achieved. In their most recent volume on the subject, Ethnicity: Theory and Experience (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1975), pp. 24Google Scholar, editors Nathan Glazer and Daniel Patrick Moynihan note that the word denotes group membership, an objective condition and a new social category of the twentieth century. “Ethnic” is not simply a social category, like “left-handed” people; it refers in some ways to a functioning social group. Ethnicity is an objective category, but it also describes subjective identification. Indeed, the linking of ethnicity not only with the objective existence of ethnic groups but also with the subjective experience of ethnic identity has generated much of the argument over the meaning of the term. The focus here will be on defining Jewish ethnicity in the American context as it relates to Jews' functioning as an ethnic group in American urban society, specifically in New York City. Issues of individual ethnic identity will be examined only indirectly through a discussion of American Jews' ideologies and cultural values.

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8. See American Jewish YearBook for statistics onthe distribution of the Jewish population of the United States.

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… provided at least four potential sources for maintaining group similarity. Given similarity of occupational status, it is likely that an [immigrant] cohort was characterized by similar economic status. To the degree that behavior is associated with economic status, we should expect some similarity of life styles. Second, similarity in occupation provided common social and economic interests. To the degree that occupational position is related to class consciousness, one expects some degree of group solidarity among cohorts. Third, immigrants who were concentrated in a single factory or industry should have had a relatively high degree of interpersonal association stemming from their work relationships. Finally, and perhaps most important, during a time when transportation was not available, industrial workers were forced to live near their employment. Each of these factors-life style, class interests, work relationships and common residential areas-facilitated the development of group consciousness.

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