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Medieval Dominican architecture at Santa Sabina in Rome, c. 1219–c. 1320

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 August 2013

Joan Barclay Lloyd
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Papers of the British School at Rome , Volume 72 , November 2004 , pp. 231 - 292
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Copyright © British School at Rome 2004

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References

1 Major works on the church of Santa Sabina include: Berthier, J.J., L'église de Sainte-Sabine (Rome, 1910)Google Scholar; Muñoz, A., ‘Indagini sulla chiesa di Santa Sabina’, Studi Romani. Rivista di Archeologia e Storia 2 (1914), 329–42Google Scholar; Muñoz, A., Studi sulle basiliche Romane di S. Sabina e di S. Prassede. Dissertazione letta alla Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia (Rome, 1916), 6–10Google Scholar; Muñoz, A., La basilica di Santa Sabina in Roma (Rome, 1919Google Scholar); Muñoz, A., L'église de Sainte Sabine à Rome (Rome, 1924Google Scholar); Taurisano, I., Santa Sabina (Le chiese di Roma illustrate 11) (Rome, 1925Google Scholar); Darsy, F., Santa Sabina (Le chiese di Roma illustrate 63–4) (Rome, 1961Google Scholar); Darsy, F., Recherches archéologiques à Sainte Sabine (Monumenti di Antichità Cristiana ser. II, 9) (Vatican City, 1968Google Scholar); Krautheimer, R., Corpus Basilicarum Christianarum Romae IV (Monumenti di antichità cristiana ser. II, 11) (Vatican City, 1970), 72–98Google Scholar; Krautheimer, R., Rome: Profile of a City, 312–1308 (Princeton, 1980), 44–5Google Scholar; Krautheimer, R. and Curcic, S., Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, fourth edition (Harmondsworth/New Haven, 1986), 171–4Google Scholar.

2 It was restored in 1914–19 and again in 1936–8 by Antonio Muñoz: see Muñoz, A., Il restauro della basilica di Santa Sabina (Rome, 1938Google Scholar); and Ballanca, C., La basilica di Santa Sabina e gli interventi di Antonio Muñoz (Rome, 1999Google Scholar).

3 Berthier, L'église de Sainte-Sabine (above, n. 1), 87; Darsy, Santa Sabina (above, n. 1), 100.

4 Dimensions taken from Krautheimer, , Corpus IV (above, n. 1), 88Google Scholar.

5 The Inscription says:

CULMEN APOSTOLICUM CUM CAELESTINUS HABERET

PRIMUS ET IN TOTO FULGERET EPISCOPUS ORBE

HAEC QUAE MIRARIS FUNDAVIT PRESBYTER URBIS

ILLYRICA DE GENTE PETRUS VIR NOMINE TANTO

DIGNUS AB EXORTU CHRISTI NUTRITUS IN AULA

PAUPERIBUS LOCUPLES SIBI PAUPER QUI BONA VITAE

PRAESENTIS FUGIENS MERUIT SPERARE FUTURUM

Text transcribed from Oakshott, W., The Mosaics of Rome (Greenwich (CT), 1967), 90Google Scholar. The inscription is flanked by images of two matrons personifying the Church, labeled ‘ECCLESIA EX CIRCUMCISIONE’ and ‘ECCLESIA EX GENTIBUS’, alluding to the Church's Jewish and gentile origins. Formerly, mosaic figures of the Apostles Peter and Paul also stood beside, and the symbols of the Evangelists floated above the five round-headed facade windows, as drawn by Ciampini, G.B., Vetera monimenta I (Rome, 1690Google Scholar), tab. XLVIII (Fig. 3).

6 ‘Et huius temporibus fecit Petrus episcopus basilicam in urbe Roma sanctae Savinae, ubi et fontem construxit’: Duchesne, L. (ed.), Le Liber Pontificalis, second edition (Paris, 1955), I, 235Google Scholar.

7 ‘Tenuit autem presbiteratus sui tempore ecclesiam beatae Savinae … quam, Deo dispensante, post pontificalem sibi attributam gratiam ad meliorem cultum perduxit et picturis undique decoravit. Fecit autem in ecclesia Beatae Sabinae martyris ciborium ex argento purissimo pensans libras CII.’: Duchesne, (ed.), Le Liber Pontificalis (above, n. 6), II, 69Google Scholar.

8 Ugonio, P., Historia delle stationi di Roma (Rome, 1588), 10rGoogle Scholar.

9 Berthier, L'église de Sainte-Sabine (above, n. 1), 86; Muñoz, Il restauro (above, n. 2), 40, dated the campanile to the twelfth or thirteenth century; Darsy, Santa Sabina (above, n. 1), 25, 30 and 115 followed Serafini, A., Torri campanarie di Roma e del Lazio nel medioevo (Rome, 1927), 94–6Google Scholar, when he claimed that the bell-tower was Ottonian and was built in the tenth century. Krautheimer, Corpus IV (above, n. 1), 78 and 97, referred to it as ‘Romanesque’; and Taurisano, Santa Sabina (above, n. 1), 9, said it was built in the thirteenth century. As will be explained below, its masonry is typical of Roman construction of the twelfth century.

10 Krautheimer, , Corpus IV (above, n. 1), 76Google Scholar.

11 The text of the inscription is as follows: ANNO AB INCARNATIONE. D. N. IESU CHRISTI MCCXXXVIII / GREGORIUS EPISCOPUS SERVUS SERVORUM DEI UNIVERSIS CHRISTI FIDELIBUS / PRAESENTES LITTERAS INSPECTURIS SALUTEM ET APOSTOLICAM BENEDICTIONEM. / CUM ECCLESIA SANCTAE SABINAE DE MONTE AVENTINO IN URBE / AC IN IPSA QUATUOR ALTARIA PER VENERABILES FRATRES / NOSTROS PENESTRINUM. OSTIENSEM. ALATRINEM ET / CEPHALUDENSEM EPISCOPOS IIIa DIE ANTE OCTAVAM SANCTI MARTINI / FECERIMUS CONSECRARI NOS IPSI EADEM DIE ASSISTENTIBUS / NOBIS FRATRIBUS NOSTRIS ET VENERABILES BISSUNTINO / ET MESSANENSI ARCHIEPISCOPIS ET QUAM PLURIBUS / EPISCOPIS ET ALIARUM ECCLESIARUM PRELATIS / SACROSANCTUM MAIUS ALTARE IPSIUS SANCTAE SABINAE PROPRIIS / MANIBUS DUXIMUS CONSECRANDUM CONCESSA / INDULGENTIA UNIUS ANNI ET XL DIERUM OMNIBUS / VERE PENITENTIBUS ET CONFESSIS DE INIUNCTA / SIBI PENITENTIA QUI ANNUATIM IN DIE DEDICATIONIS / EIUSDEM ECCLESIAE ET USQUE AD OCTAVAS IPSIUS / DICTAM ECCLESIAM VISITABUNT. DATUM LATERNANENSI / X. CHALENDAS IULII PONT. NOSTRI ANNO IIIo. The wording is taken from Berthier, L'église de Sainte-Sabine (above, n. 1), 282–3, n. 2 and Forcella, V., Iscrizioni delle chiese e d'altri edifici di Roma dal secolo XI fino ai giorni nostri VII (Rome, 1876), 294, no. 590Google Scholar. The inscription is now in the right aisle of Santa Sabina.

12 The chapel no longer exists, but its consecration is recorded in an inscription. ‘ANNO DOMINI MCC / XLVIII PONTIFICATUS / DOMINI INNOCENTII IIII / PAPE ANNO V ASSISTEN / TIBUS EPISCOPIS VENERABI / LIBUS HOSTIENSE ASCULUNO / FERIA IIII QUARTE EBDO / MADE IN QUADRAGESIMO QUANDO / LEGITUR EVANGELIUM DE CE / CO NATO CONSECRATUM EST / HOC ALTARE AD HO / NOREM SANCTORUM ANGELO / RUM PER VENERABILEM EPISCOPUM / HOSTIENSEM QUI AUCTO / RITATE DOMINI PAPE. POSUIT / ANNUATIM INDULGENTIAM UNIUS / ANNI ET UNIUS QUADRAGENE. / QUE DURAT A DIE CONSECRA / TIONIS USQUE AD DIEM OCTAVE.’ The wording is taken from Berthier, L'église de Sainte-Sabine (above, n. 1), 312, n. 1, and Forcella, , Iscrizioni VII (above, n. 11), 294Google Scholar, no. 591. The inscription is now in the right aisle of Santa Sabina.

13 For the chapel of Saint Dominic in the church, which the princess of Rossano paid for, see Berthier, L'église de Sainte-Sabine (above, n. 1), 311. Saint Dominic's cell and its chapel are discussed towards the end of this study.

14 The iscription says: ANNO DOMINI MCCLXIII PONTIFICATUS / DOMINI URBANI II. II (sic) / PAPE ANNO EJUS IIo ISTUD / ALTARE FUIT CONSECRATUM / AD HONOREM BEATI PETRI MARTYRIS / ORDINIS FRATRUM PRAEDICATORUM / QUANDO EST STATIO APUD SANCTUM PRISCAM / TERTIA FERIA HEBDOMADE SANCTE PER / VENERABILEM FRATREM IO. / DE COLUMNA ARCHIEPISCOPUM / MESSANENSEM VICARIUM TUNC TEMPORIS / DD. PATER URBANI INQUE POSUIT / INDULGENTIAM UNIUS ANN1 ET / XLDIERUM ANNUATIM ET DURAT / HAEC INDULGENTIA USQUE / AD OCTAVAS PASCHE IN FESTO AUTEM / EJUSDEM BEATI MARTYRIS EST / IBIDEM UNIUS ANNI ET QUADRAGINTA DIERUM. The wording is taken from Berthier, L'église de Sainte-Sabine (above, n. 1), 310, and Forcella, , Iscrizioni VII (above, n. 11), 295Google Scholar, no. 592. The inscription is now in the right aisle of Santa Sabina.

15 Biblioteca Comunale di Macerata, MS 5, 3, B, 7; Rodocanachi, E. (ed.), Una cronaca di Santa Sabina sull'Aventino (Turin, 1898), 9Google Scholar; Berthier, L'église de Sainte-Sabine (above, n. 1), 317; Darsy, Santa Sabina (above, n. 1), 37; Krautheimer, , Corpus IV (above, n. 1), 76Google Scholar.

16 Rodocanachi, Cronaca (above, n. 15), 40; Berthier, L'église de Sainte-Sabine (above, n. 1), 300; Darsy, Santa Sabina (above, n. 1), 123; Krautheimer, , Corpus IV (above, n. 1), 77Google Scholar.

17 Darsy, Santa Sabina (above, n. 1), 116–19; Krautheimer, , Corpus IV (above, n. 1), 77Google Scholar.

18 This includes all branches of the Dominican Order: Friars Preachers, contemplative nuns, active Sisters, lay Tertiaries, and several other religious groups, such as the Communauté de l'Agneau.

19 Berthier, J.J., Le convent de Sainte-Sabine à Rome (Rome, 1912)Google Scholar; Krautheimer, , Corpus IV (above, n. 1), 75–6, 96–7Google Scholar; Darsy, Santa Sabina (above, n. 1), 32–4, 139–40. A short description and beautiful coloured illustrations of the priory buildings appeared in Pistilli, P.F., ‘L'architettura tra il 1198 e il 1254’, in Romanini, A.M. (ed.), Roma nel duecento (Rome, 1991), 1–71, esp. pp. 43–7Google Scholar. Joanna Cannon has said that the Dominicans arrived at Santa Sabina in 1221 — see Cannon, J.L., Dominican Patronage of the Visual Arts in Central Italy: the Provincia Romana (Courtauld Institute of Art, University of London, Ph.D. thesis, 1980), 420Google Scholar.

20 For the history of Santa Maria sopra Minerva, see Palmerio, G. and Villetti, G., Storia edilizia di S. Maria sopra Minerva in Roma 1272–1870 (Studi e documenti 1) (Rome, 1989Google Scholar), with earlier bibliography.

21 For this entry in the Catalogue of Turin, see Huelsen, C., Le chiese medievale di Roma (Florence, 1927Google Scholar; reprinted New York, 1975), 36, no. 265; cf. p. 31, no. 138, where 50 Friars Preachers are said to reside at Santa Maria sopra Minerva.

22 Muñoz, Il restauro (above, n. 2), 22.

23 The history and location of this family fortress have been discussed by Cecchelli, C., I Crescenzi — I Savelli — I Cenci (Le grandi famiglie romane 2) (Rome, 1942), 23–5Google Scholar; Longhi, G. Marchetti, L'Aventino nel medio evo (I colli di Roma. L'Aventino) (Rome, 1947), 26Google Scholar; Darsy, Santa Sabina (above, n. 1), 31–2.

24 Information on the life of Saint Dominic has been culled from the early Dominican sources in Laurent, M.H. (ed.), Historia Diplomatica SPN Dominici (Monumenta Ordinis Fratrum Praedicatorum Historica [henceforth MOPH] XV) (Paris, 1933Google Scholar); early sources in Walz, A., Scheeben, H.C. and Laurent, M.H. (eds), Monumenta Historica Sancti Patris Nostri Dominici II (MOPH XVI) (Rome, 1935Google Scholar); G. de Fracheto, Vitae Fratrum Ordinis Praedicatorum … (edited by Reichert, B.M.) (MOPH I) (Louvain, 1896), 65–84Google Scholar; as well as from later accounts such as Jarrett, B., Life of Saint Dominic (Washington/Chicago, n.d.)Google Scholar; Vicaire, M.H., ‘Dominique (Saint)’, in Aubert, R. and van Cauvenbergh, E. (eds), Dictionnaire d'histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques XIV (Paris, 1960), cc. 592–608Google Scholar; Vicaire, M.H., Saint Dominic and his Times (London, 1964Google Scholar); Koudelka, V.J., ‘Domenico fondatore dell'Ordine dei Frati Predicated’, Biblioteca Sanctorum IV (Rome, 1964), cc. 692–727Google Scholar; Hinnebusch, W.A., The History of the Dominican Order I (New York, 1966Google Scholar); Vicaire, M.H., Dominique et ses prêcheurs (Fribourg Suisse, 1977Google Scholar); Hill, B., ‘St. Dominic (ca. 1171–1221)’, in Strayer, J.R. (ed.), Dictionary of the Middle Ages IV (New York, 1984), 239–40Google Scholar; Bedouelle, G., Saint Dominic: the Grace of the Word (San Francisco, 1987)Google Scholar; Lawrence, C.H., The Friars (London, 1994), 65–88Google Scholar; Koudelka, V.J., Dominic (London, 1997Google Scholar); and Tugwell, S., Saint Dominic and the Order of Preachers (Dublin, 2001Google Scholar).

25 Koudelka, ‘Domenico’ (above, n. 24), cc. 693–4; Tugwell, Saint Dominic (above n 24) 16

26 See Laurent, Historia Diplomatica (above, n. 24), 20–2.

27 Koudelka, ‘Domenico’ (above, n. 24), cc. 701–3; Lawrence, Friars (above, n. 24), 70.

28 The Fourth Lateran Council decrees related to preachers, ‘De Predicatoribus instituendis’, and prohibiting new religious Orders, ‘De Novis Religionibus prohibitis’, are published in Mansi, J.D., Sacrorum Conciliorum Nova et Amplissima Collectio XXII (Venice, 1778), cc. 998–9 and 1001–3Google Scholar.

29 Since Saint Dominic previously had been a canon at Osma, he must have been well acquainted with this Rule and the ideals of medieval canons.

30 Koudelka, V.J., ‘Notes sur le Cartulaire de S. Dominique’, Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 28 (1958), 92–100Google Scholar; Koudelka, Dominic (above, n. 24), 142–3.

31 Boyle, L., The Community of SS. Sisto e Clemente in Rome, 1677–1977 (S. Clemente Miscellany 1) (Rome, 1977), 2Google Scholar.

32 Zucchi, A., Roma Domenicana (Florence, 1938), 254–342Google Scholar; Koudelka, V.J., ‘Le ‘Monasterium Tempuli’ et la fondation dominicaine de San Sisto’, Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 31 (1961), 5–41Google Scholar; Sterpi, C., Koudelka, V.J. and Crociani, E., San Sisto Vecchio a Porta Capena (Rome 1975Google Scholar); Boyle, The Community (above, n. 31), 1–5; Spiazzi, R. (ed.), La chiesa e il monastero di San Sisto all'Appia (Bologna, 1992Google Scholar); Spiazzi, R. (ed.), San Domenico e il monastero di San Sisto all'Appia (Bologna, 1993Google Scholar); Spiazzi, R. (ed.), Cronache e fioretti del monastero di San Sisto all'Appia (Bologna, 1993)Google Scholar; Bolton, B., ‘Daughters of Rome: all one in Christ Jesus!’, in Bolton, B., Innocent III: Studies on Papal Authority and Pastoral Care (Aldershot, 1995)Google Scholar, study XVI, pp. 101–15; and J.E. Barclay Lloyd, ‘The architectural planning of Pope Innocent III's nunnery of S. Sisto in Rome’, in Innocenzo III —urbs et orbis II (Rome, 2003), 1,292–311.

33 Graham, R., St. Gilbert of Sempringham and the Gilbertines (London, 1903Google Scholar); Knowles, D., ‘Gilbertini e Gilbertine’, in Peliccia, G. and Rocca, G. (eds), Dizionario degli istituti di perfezione IV (Rome, 1977), cc. 1,178–82Google Scholar; Elkins, S.K., Holy Women in Twelfth-century England (Chapel Hill/London, 1988), 78–144Google Scholar; Thompson, S., Women Religious (Oxford, 1991), 73–9Google Scholar; Golding, B., Gilbert of Sempringham and the Gilbertine Order (Oxford, 1995Google Scholar).

34 Berthier, Couvent (above, n. 19); see also Darsy, Santa Sabina (above, n. 1), 32–4, 115, 139–40.

35 ‘Beatus Dominicus processu temporis audiens dictum monasterium (scilicet S. Sixtum) ad usum monialium aedificatum fuisse, ductus teneritudine conscientiae noluit quod fratres sui ordinis ulterius ibi manerent, sed cum multa solicitudine multoque labore ecclesiam S. Sabinae a summo pontifice sibi et suo ordini impetravit.’ From the Chronicle of S. Sisto by Benedict of Montefiascone (Archivio Generale OP, XII. 3g, fols 3v–11v (1667) and XII. 3f, fols 2–3v (seventeenth century), published in Koudelka, ‘Le ‘Monasterium Tempuli’’ (above, n. 32), 69, no. 3.

36 Berthier, Convent (above, n. 19), 162–70; Muñoz, La basilica (above, n. 1), 25; Darsy, Santa Sabina (above, n. 1), 123; Jarrett, Life of Saint Dominic (above, n. 24), 84.

37 Walz, A., ‘Die ‘Miracula beati Dominici’ der Schwester Caecilia, Einleitung und Text’, in Miscellanea Pio Paschini I (Rome, 1948), 293–326Google Scholar. Extracts from this work are translated and published in Tugwell, S., Early Dominicans: Selected Writings (New York, 1982), 391–3Google Scholar.

38 The Diploma is addressed to the Master General Jordan of Saxony and the Order of Friars Preachers, and the place and date are given as ‘Datum Romae Nonis Junii, Pontificatus nostri Anno Sexto’. It is published in Brémond, A. (ed.), Bullarium Ordinis Fratrum Praedicatorum (Rome, 1739), I, 15Google Scholar.

39 The main text is as follows. ‘Cum igitur certum hospitium non haberetis in Urbe, ubi eo forsan plus prodesse potestis, quo ibi tam indigene quam extranei congregantur; Nos tarn vobis, quam multorum utilitati consulere cupientes, Ecclesiam S. Sabinae, ad celebrandum, et domos, ad inhabitandum, sicut Seculares Clerici habuerunt, de consensu Fratrum nostrorum, et specialiter dilecti filii nostri tituli ejusdem Ecclesie Presbyter Cardinalis, vobis duximus concedendam, domo ubi est Baptisterium cum horto proximo et reclusorio pro duobus Clericis reservato, qui de Parochia, et possessionibus ipsius Ecclesie, prout expediet, curam gerent, jure Cardinalis in omnibus integre conservato.’: Brémond, Bullarium Ordinis Fratrum Praedicatorum (above, n. 38), I, 15.

40 A hermitage, ‘romitorio’, is mentioned as part of the later property belonging to Santa Sabina in 1487. Its location was given as ‘sotto la vigna di S. Sabina’ on the slopes of the Aventine towards the Marmorata. See Rodocanachi (ed.), Cronaca (above, n. 15), 10.

41 Berthier, L'église de Sainte-Sabine (above, n. 1), 49, thought it was located beyond the narthex and near the campanile. It has been suggested also that it was in the centre of the present Piazza Pietro d'Illiria by M. Trinci Cecchelli, Corpus della scultura altomedioevale VII: la diocesi di Roma. IV, la I. regione ecclesiastica (Spoleto, 1976), 194Google Scholar: ‘Un battistero, in uso ancora nel secolo XII, era posto al centro dell'odierna piazza Pietro d'Illiria’. There is no substantial evidence for either claim.

42 For the baptistery at San Clemente, see Guidobaldi, F., ‘Gli scavi del 1993–95 nella basilica di S. Clemente a Roma e la scoperta del Battistero paleocristiano. Nota preliminare’, Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana 73 (2) (1997), 459–91Google Scholar.

43 ‘Honorio III. Di Casa Savelli, che haveva il Palazzo unito a questa Chiesa (scilicet S. Sabina) diede una parte di esso à San Domenico per fabricarvi il Convento’, Anonymous, Notizie del convento e chiesa di Santa Sabina di Roma, Biblioteca Casanatense, Rome, MS 3209, fol. 348r. This chronicle starts in the fifteenth century with material that may have been copied from a fifteenth-century source, and it goes on till the late seventeenth century; it was probably completed between 1700 and 1721.

44 The text is as follows: ‘Il convento di S. Sabina fu prima palazzo papale nel quale habitò Honorio 30 di Casa Savelli, il quale perché S. Domenico diede il suo convento di S. Sisto alle monache congregate de' diversi monasteri di Roma, diede a lui et a' suoi frati la metà del proprio palazzo, acciò se ne facesse convento, come si fece vivente ancora S. Domenico, il quale poi v'habitò per tutto quel tempo che si trattenne in Roma …’ — see Rodocanachi (ed.), Cronaca (above, n. 15), 1.

45 ‘ … et al tempo di Honorio Terzo era il palazzo pontificale, e lo donò à San Domenico, e confirmò la sua religione l'anno 1216, e vi sono suoi frati’: Le cose maravigliose dell'alma citta di Roma (ed. ampliato dal Reverendo Fra Santi) (Venice, 1588), 66v. See also at this date, Ugonio, Historia delle stationi (above, n. 8), 12r.

46 ‘Presso di questa chiesa habitarono due Sommi Pontefici di Casa Savelli, Honorio III et IV, et il Terzo fu quello, che non solo confirmò l'ordine di S. Domenico il 1216 … e gli diede parte del suo palazzo ad habitare … ma gli concesse questa chiesa’: Panciroli, O., Tesori nascosti dell'alma città di Roma (Rome, 1625), 640Google Scholar.

47 De Rossi, ‘Descriptio aliquot ecclesiarum’, BAV, Vat. Lat. 11904, entry on Santa Sabina, fols 16r–18r. On fol. 17v he stated: ‘Questo monastero fu il palazzo Pontificale dove fece residenza Papa Honorio 30, nel quale conferma a S. Domenico le costitutioni del ordine suo, e le fece dono della chiesa di S. Sabina e del palazzo istesso dove lui habitava …’. The story about the palace is also mentioned in Piazza, C.B., La gerarchia cardinalizia (Rome, 1703), 430Google Scholar.

48 See, for example, Rodocanachi (ed.), Cronaca (above, n. 15), 7, where it is given as one of the few sources of income for the priory; and numerous references in the MS, Memorie riguardanti il Nostro Convento di S. Sabina dal 1412 al 1678, Archivio Generale dell'Ordine Predicatori, XIII, 16100B, which appears to date from the eighteenth century since work done in 1733 is mentioned on fol. 6v. Ugonio noted in 1588 that the friars ‘posseggono questo loco’, referring to the Savelli palace: Ugonio, Historia delle stationi (above, n. 8), 12v.

49 Rodocanachi (ed.), Cronaca (above, n. 15), 7; Memorie (above, n. 48), fol. 1r.

50 Rodocanachi (ed.), Cronaca (above, n. 15), 12.

51 Rodocanachi (ed.), Cronaca (above, n. 15), 12, 14; Memorie (above, n. 48), fol. 1r.

52 Rodocanachi (ed.), Cronaca (above, n. 15), 16, 19; Memorie (above, n. 48), fol. 3v.

53 Rodocanachi (ed.), Cronaca (above, n. 15), 21; Memorie (above, n. 48), fol. 3v.

54 Berthier, L'église de Sainte-Sabine (above, n. 1), 37.

55 Tillmann, H., ‘Ricerche sull'origine dei membr i del collegio cardinalizio nel XII secolo’, Rivista di Storia della Chiesa 24 (1970), 441–64Google Scholar; 26 (1972), 313–53; and 29 (1975), 363–402, esp. pp. 391–3. Cencius referred to himself as ‘camerarius’ or chamberlain of Pope Clement III and a canon of Santa Maria Maggiore in Fabre, P. and Duchesne, L. (eds), Le Liber Censuum I (Bibliothèque des Écoles d'Athènes et de Rome) (Paris, 1905), 1–2Google Scholar. Other historians, who now accept that Honorius III was not a Savelli, include Carocci, S., Baroni di Roma: dominazioni signorili e lignaggi aristocratici nel Duecento e nel primo Trecento (Collection de l'École Française de Rome) (Rome, 1993), 415–16Google Scholar; and by Thumser, M., ‘Die ältesten Statuten des Kapitels von S. Maria Maggiore in Rom (1262/1271, 1265)’, Quellen und Forschungen aus Italienischen Archiven 74 (1994), 294–334, esp. p. 307Google Scholar.

56 Carocci, Baroni (above, n. 55); Tillmann, ‘Ricerche’ (1975) (above, n. 55), 392.

57 Tillmann, ‘Ricerche’ (1975) (above, n. 55), 392–3.

58 Eubel, C., Hierarchia Catholica Medii Aevi I (Münster, 1913), 4, 46 and 359Google Scholar. Berthier reported that Thomas of Capua was cardinal of Santa Sabina from 1216 to 1239, but he also referred to a man named Giovanni as titular cardinal of Santa Sabina in 1218, although he gave no historical sources for this; see, Berthier, L' église de Sainte-Sabine (above, n. 1), 515.

59 The inscription of 1238 is given in n. 11.

60 Krautheimer, Rome (above, n. 1), 255, quoting Vita S. Odilonis (Acta S. Benedicti VIII, I) (Venice, 1733), 698Google Scholar.

61 Duchesne, L., ‘Notes sur la topographie de Rome au moyen-age’, Mélanges d'Archéologie et d'Histoire de l'École Francaise de Rome 10 (1890), 225–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hamilton, B., Monastic Reform, Catharism and the Crusades (London, 1979), II, 35–68Google Scholar; III, 266–310; and Krautheimer, Rome (above, n. 1), 255.

62 Recorded in Gesta Episcoporum Cameracensium, lib. I (Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores VII) (Hanover, 1846), 451Google Scholar:‘ … in antiquo palacio, quod est in monte Aventino …’; but for the location on the Palatine, Bruehl, C., ‘Die Kaiserpfalz bei St. Peter und die Pfalz Otto III auf dem Palatin’, Quellen und Forschungen aus Italienischen Archiven 34 (1954), 1ffGoogle Scholar. Darsy, Santa Sabina (above, n. 1), 31–2 claimed that the site of the Dominican priory was over the fortress of Otto III.

63 Darsy, Santa Sabina (above, n. 1), 31–2.

64 Krautheimer, Rome (above, n. 1), 256; B. Hamilton, ‘The monastic revival in tenth-century Rome’, reprinted in Hamilton, Monastic Reform (above, n. 61), II, 35–68. For Santa Maria in Aventino, see Ferrari, G., Early Roman Monasteries (Vatican City, 1957), 203–6Google Scholar. Darsy claimed the Savelli palace encircled the early Christian church of Santa Sabina and its annexes, see Darsy, F., ‘Sabine (Basilique de Sainte)’, in Cabrol, F. and Leclerq, H. (eds), Dictionnaire d'archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie XV (Paris, 1949), 218–38Google Scholar.

65 Darsy, Santa Sabina (above, n. 1), 31–3, 139.

66 ‘Actum Romae apud palatium S. Sabinae anno Domini millesimo ducentesimo septuagesimo quinto …’. The document is published in Brémond (ed.), Bullarium Ordinis Fratium Praedicatorum (above, n. 38), VII, 46, and by Fontana, V.M., De Romana Provincia Ordinis Praedicatorum (Rome, 1670), 52Google Scholar. It is quoted in full in Rodocanachi (ed.), Cronaca (above, n. 15), 3–4. It is beyond the scope of this study to say whether this document is genuine in all details. Berthier noted that two papal bulls said to have been issued at Santa Sabina, and published as such by Brémond in the Bullarium Ordinis Fratrum Praedicatorum were in fact given at Saint Peter's, see Berthier, Couvent (above, n. 19), 154, n. 2.

67 Printed in Prou, M. (ed.), Les registres d'Honorius IV (Paris, 1888), cc. 576–82Google Scholar (will of Jacobus Savelli, Rome, 24 February 1279) and cc. 588–94 (second will of Jacobus Savelli, 5 July 1285). Jacopo Savelli became cardinal of Santa Maria in Cosmedin in 1261; he became pope, taking the name Honorius IV, in 1285; and he died on the Aventine in April 1287. See also Patroni, G., Serie cronologica dei cardinali diaconi … della perinsigne basilica di S. Maria in Cosmedin, già pubblicata dall'Arcipr. Giovanni Maria Crescimbeni (Naples, 1899), 19Google Scholar; Eubel, Hierarchia (above, n. 58), 8, 10, 51; and Ciacconius, A., Vitae et Res Gestae Pontificum Romanorum et SRE Cardinalium … II (Rome, 1677), cc. 245–54Google Scholar.

68 Jacopo Savelli left to his nephews, Leone and Giovanni, ‘omnes domos, turres seu ruinas turrium quas habemus ab ecclesia S. Mariae de Grandellis (sic) supra versus Marmoratam et in Marmorata et munitionem montis qui supra Marmoratam (est), sive patrimoniales sive fuerint per nos acquisite’. The will also mentions other houses and towers or ruins of towers from the same church of Santa Maria towards the Ripa, including the whole of the Ripa region and the fortress of Mons Fabiorum, or Monte Sasso (that is, the fortified Theatre of Marcellus): ‘alias vero domos et turres seu ruinas turrium quas habemus a dicta ecclesia Sancte Marie citra versus Ripam in tota regione Ripe et monitionem (sic) Montis Fabiorum seu de Sasso …’, Prou (ed.), Les registres d'Honorius IV (above, n. 67), c. 580.

69 ‘ … ac in bonis suis in Urbe, scilicet in Monte de Sasso et in alio monte posito supra Marmoratam et in domibus, turribus et aliis quibuscunque edificiis suis positis intra Urbem’, Prou (ed.), Les registres d'Honorius IV (above, n. 67), c. 588.

70 Marchetti Longhi, L'Aventino (above, n. 23), 27, has stated that only the outer perimeter wall survives of the Savelli castle, and that the main building was demolished in 1613.

71 ‘Hic Honorius, statim creatus (scil. papa) ad Urbem se transfert, et in monte Aventino juxta Sanctam Sabinam magna fabricat palatia, et ibidem sedem Pontificalem constituit, totusque ille mons renovatur in aedificiis’, P. Lucensis, Historia Ecclesiastica Nova (Muratori, A.L., Rerum Italicarum Scriptores XI (Milan, 1727Google Scholar)) lib. XXIV, cap. 13, c. 1191; and Schmeidler, B. (ed), Die Annalen des Tholomeus von Lucca (Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores, n.s. 8) (Berlin, 1930), 204Google Scholar. Alphons e Ciacconio (ob. 1600) in the late sixteenth century claimed that Honorius IV ‘Habitavit in Aventino apud Ecclesiam S. Sabinae: et egregias aedes, quarum adhuc parietinae supersunt, excitavit’, Ciacconius, Vitae et Res Gestae II (above, n. 67), c. 247. See also Marchetti Longhi, L'Aventino (above, n. 23), 26.

72 There are 286, of which six are disputed, recorded in the index of Prou (ed.), Les régistres d'Honorius IV (above, n. 67).

73 Duchesne, (ed.), Le Liber Pontificalis (above, n. 6), II, 466Google Scholar.

74 Acta Canonizationis S. Dominici, in Walz, Scheeben and Vicaire, (eds), Monumenta Historica, II (above, n. 24), 89–187Google Scholar; Anonymous, Saint Dominique, son esprit, ses vertus, d'après les temoins oculaires (Saint-Maximin [Var], 1923), 83–4, 96Google Scholar; Jarrett, Life of Saint Dominic (above, n. 24), 104.

75 ‘summus paupertatis amator tam in victu quam in vestitu fratrum ordines sui, et sui, quam etiam in edificiis fratrum et in cultu et in ornatu vestium ecclesiasticarum …’, Acta Canonizationis S. Dominici, 17, in Walz, Scheeben and Vicaire, (eds), Monumenta Historica II (above, n. 24), 137Google Scholar.

76 ‘volebat quod haberent parvas domos et viles vestes’, Acta Canonizationis S. Dominici, 32, in Walz, Scheeben and Vicaire, (eds), Monumenta Historica II (above, n. 24), 150Google Scholar.

77 ‘Et volebat, quod haberent viles domo s et parvas’, Acta Canonizationis S. Dominici, 38, in Walz, Scheeben and Vicaire, (eds), Monumenta Historica II (above, n. 24), 157Google Scholar.

78 ‘Volebat emm quod viles domos haberent et viles discos ad legendum, id quod quasi in omnibus vilitatem et paupertatem pretenderent’, Acta Canonizationis S. Dominici, 47, in Walz, Scheeben and Vicaire, (eds), Monumenta Historica II (above, n. 24) 166Google Scholar.

79 ‘ … dictus frater Dominicus, cum videret cellulas elevatas, cepit cum fletu pluries predictum fratrem Rodulphum et fratres alios reprehendere, dicendo et aliis fratribus: Vultis tarn cito paupertatem relinquere et magna palatia edificare?’, Acta Canonizationis S. Dominici, 38, in Walz, Scheeben and Vicaire, (eds), Monumenta Historica II (above, n. 24), 157Google Scholar.

80 Benedict of Montefiascone in 1316–18 claimed that Saint Dominic was pro-active in obtaining the church of Santa Sabina for his friars, but says nothing about the palace (above, n. 35).

81 Jordan of Saxony, Libellus de Principiis Ordinis Praedicatorum, in Walz, Scheeben and Vicaire, (eds), Monumenta Historica II (above, n. 24), 44Google Scholar; Bedouelle, Saint Dominic (above, n. 24), 75.

82 ‘Mediocres domos et humiles habeant fratres nostri, ita quod ne ipsi expensis graventur, nec alii seculares vel religiosi in nostris sumptuosis edificiis scandalizentur.’ For references to architecture in the thirteenth-century Dominican Constitutions, see Meersseman, G.G., ‘L'architecture dominicaine au XIIIe siècle: legislation et pratique’, Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 16 (1946), 136–90Google Scholar; Cannon, Dominican Patronage (above, n. 19), 74–108; and Sundt, R.A., ‘Mediocres domos et humiles habeant fratres nostri: Dominican legislation on architecture and architectural decoration in the thirteenth century’, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 46 (1987), 394–407CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

83 ‘Mediocres domos et humiles habeant fratres nostri, ita quod murus domorum sin solario non excedat in altitudine mensuram duodecim pedum et cum solario viginti, ecclesia triginta’, quoted in Meersseman, ‘L'architecture dominicaine’ (above, n. 82), 147, with dimensions of 4.20–4.56 m for the height of the ground floor, 7.00–7.20 m for the two storeys and 10.50–11.40 m for the height of the church, based on a variety of measures for one foot (instead of a Roman foot equal to 29.56 cm used here); and Sundt, ‘Mediocres domos’ (above, n. 82), 405, who dated this legislation as early as 1228.

84 ‘Et non fiat lapidibus testudinata nisi forte super chorum et sacristiam’, quoted in Meersseman, ‘L'architecture dominicaine’ (above, n. 82), 147–8; and Sundt, ‘Mediocres domos’ (above, n. 82), 405.

85 ‘Si quis de cetero contrafecerit, pene gravioris culpe subiacebit’, quoted in Meersseman, ‘L'architecture dominicaine’ (above, n. 82), 148; and Sundt, ‘Mediocres domos’ (above, n. 82), 405.

86 ‘Item, in quolibet conventu tres fratres de discretioribus eligantur, sine quorum consilio edificia non fiant’, quoted in Meersseman, ‘L'architecture dominicaine’ (above, n. 82), 148–9; and Sundt, ‘Mediocres domos’ (above, n. 82), 405.

87 ‘Mediocres domus et humiles habeant fratres nostri, ita quod mums domorum sine solario non excedat in altitudinem mensuram duodecim pedum, cum solario viginti, ecclesia triginta, et non fiat lapidibus testudinata, nisi forte super chorum et sacristiam, nee fiant in domibus nostris curiositates et superfluitates notabiles in sculpturis et picturis et pavimentis et aliis similibus que paupertatem nostram deformant. Si quis vero de cetero contrafecerit, pene graviori culpe debite subiaceat’, quoted in Meersseman, ‘L'architecture dominicaine’ (above, n. 82), 176; and Sundt, ‘Mediocres domos’ (above, n. 82), 405.

88 The new wording was as follows: ‘Mediocres domus et humiles habeant fratres nostri, nee fiant in domibus nostris curiositates et superfluitates notabiles in sculpturis et picturis et pavimentis et aliis similibus que paupertatem nostram deformant. Si quis vero de cetero contrafecerit, pene graviori culpe debite subiaceat’, quoted in Meersseman, ‘L'architecture dominicaine’ (above, n. 82), 176; and Sundt, ‘Mediocres domos’ (above, n. 82), 405.

89 The date when this may have occurred is unknown.

90 ‘In palatio horti iste cardinalis (d'Auxia) invenit in pariete proximo tribunae maiori … magnam summam auri et pecuniarum in argento et auro …’, Rodocanachi (ed.), Cronaca (above, n. 15), 7; Memorie (above, n. 48), fol. lr.

91 Frutaz, A., Le piante di Roma II (Rome, 1962), tav. 203Google Scholar.

92 Frutaz, , Piante II (above, n. 91), tav. 407Google Scholar.

93 A transverse wall dividing a medieval church is called a ‘tramezzo’ in Italian, a ‘rood screen’ in English, a ‘jubé’ in French and a ‘Lettner’ in German. In this paper the Italian term will be used generally.

94 Ugonio, Historia delle stationi (above, n. 8), 10r and v.

95 Ugonio examined the wall before Pope Sixtus V demolished it in 1586. He explained, ‘ … si può … ogni huomo ch'è stato à questa età in Roma ricordare, che insino all'anno 1586, da molto tempo indietro questa chiesa di Santa Sabina era per il mezzo divisa in due parti, con un muro alto circa 12. palmi che attraversava tutte tre le nave per il largo, si che la vista del lungo della chiesa non si poteva commodamente godere et dalle bande del detto muro vi erano due porticelle per passare da un parte nell'altra’: Ugonio, Historia delle stationi (above, n. 8), 10r. One palmo Romano is equivalent to 0.223 m.

96 ‘Et pensando io quando, et à che effetto, et da chi potesse esser stata fatta cotal divisione, mi persuado probabilmente che si facesse, dapoi che dal Glorioso Pontefice Honorio Terzo dell'Illustrissima casa SAVELLA hebbe questo loco S. Domenico, à i frati del cui ordine simil compartimento puotè servire per star loro più ritirati nella parte di dentro à guisa di choro, à cantarvi i divini offitij. Peroche in quei tempi che il Monte Aventino era strettamente habitato, frequentandosi assai questa chiesa, era diligentissimamente servita, et offitiata’: Ugonio, Historia delle stationi (above, n. 8), 10r.

97 ‘Quindi è, che al tempo di Gregorio Nono della nobilissima casa Conti, et successore di Honorio Terzo, furono fatti cinque altari nuovi nella parte anteriore, per commodità del popolo: de quali il maggiore che vedevamo appoggiato al sodetto muro nel mezzo consacro Gregorio Nono personalmente, et gli altri quattro fece consacrare da quattro Cardinali’: Ugonio, Historia delle stationi (above, n. 8), 10r and v.

98 The wording of the inscription is given in n. 11.

99 Berthier, L'église de Sainte-Sabine (above, n. 1), 282.

100 Meersseman divided thirteenth-century Dominican buildings into three phases: an early period, c. 1216–40, when priories were centres of preparation for itinerant preaching; a second phase, 1240–63, when existing buildings were enlarged, although the Constitutions regulated the height of both church and priory; and a third period, 1264–1300, when proscriptions on size were abolished, and further extensions were made or new large buildings acquired: Meersseman, ‘L'architecture dominicaine’ (above, n. 82), 142.

101 ‘Item factus est murus isto tempore per trasversum ecclesie, in medioque muri factus est hostium ubi depicti sunt fratres quos beatus Dominicus Mediolanum misit ad habitandum. In muro etiam ex utraque parte facte sunt due fenestre per quas videri poterat corpus Christi interius. Super murum autem factum est pulpitum, ubi cantatur evangelium et in processu temporis facta sunt tria altaria, sicut nunc apparet.’ Fiamma, Galvano, ‘Chronicon Maior’, Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 10 (1940), 324Google Scholar, written c. 1340. This passage is quoted by Meersseman, ‘L'architecture dominicaine’ (above, n. 82), 152. Berthier, L'église de Sainte-Sabine (above, n. 1), 377, also referred to the tramezzo at Sant'Eustorgio.

102 The liturgical function and decoration of the tramezzo in medieval churches has been discussed by Jung, J., ‘Beyond the barrier: the unifying role of the choir screen in Gothic churches’, The Art Bulletin 83 (2000), 622–57CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jung, J., ‘Peasant meal or Lord's feast? The social iconography of the Naumburg Last Supper’, Gesta 42 (2003), 39–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Knipping, D., ‘Die Chorshränke der Kathedrale von Amiens und ihre Rolle in Liturgie und Reliquienkult’, Gesta 38 (1999), 171–88CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

103 The sequence of building phases at Bologna is not very clear. Various interpretations have been given by Meersseman, ‘L'architecture dominicaine’ (above, n. 82), 153–7; Wagner-Rieger, R., ‘Zur Typologie italienischer Bettelordens-Kirchen’, Römische Historische Mitteilungen 2 (1957/1958), 266–98, esp. p. 272Google Scholar; Cannon, Dominican Patronage (above, n. 19), 169–75; Schenkluhn, W., Ordines Studentes: Aspekte zur Kirchenarchitektur der Dominikaner und Franziskaner im 13. Jahrhundert (Berlin, 1985), 86–92Google Scholar; Alce, V., The Basilica of Saint Dominic in Bologna (Bologna, 1997), 9Google Scholar.

104 Alce, V., ‘Documenti sul convento di San Domenico in Bologna dal 1221 al 1251’, Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 42 (1972), 5–45Google Scholar.

105 Alce, ‘Documenti’ (above, n. 104), document 26.

106 For Cistercian influences on Mendicant church design, see Wagner-Rieger, ‘Zur Typologie’ (above, n. 103), 266–98.

107 In some ways this differentiation resembled the architecture of several Dominican churches north of the Alps, which had a wooden-roofed nave in the west, and a long vaulted choir in the east. For such churches see Krautheimer, R., Die Kirchen der Bettelorden in Deutschland (Cologne, 1925Google Scholar); Donin, R.K., Die Bettelordenskirchen in Österreich (Baden b. Wien, 1935Google Scholar); and Schenkluhn, Ordines Studentes (above, n. 103), 204–30.

108 Berthier, L'église de Sainte-Sabine (above, n. 1), 376.

109 Meersseman, ‘L'architecture dominicaine’ (above, n. 82), 153–7; Cannon, Dominican Patronage (above, n. 19), 169–75; and Alce, The Basilica (above, n. 103), 5–11.

110 Alce, The Basilica (above, n. 103), 9. For the sculpture on the tomb of Saint Dominic, see Moskowitz, A.F., Nicola Pisona's Arca di San Domenico and its Legacy (College Art Association: Monograph on Fine Arts 50) (University Park, 1994), 1–25Google Scholar, with further bibliography; and a review of this work by Romano, S. in Speculum 71 (1996), 183–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

111 Lambert, E., ‘L'église et le couvent des Jacobins de Toulouse et l'architecture dominicaine en France’, Bulletin Monumental 104 (1946), 141–86Google Scholar; Schenkluhn, Ordines Studentes (above, n. 103), 72–6; Sundt, R.A., ‘The Jacobin church of Toulouse and the origin of its double-nave plan’, The Art Bulletin 71 (1989), 185–207CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

112 William Pelhisson, procurator of the Jacobin priory at Toulouse from 1245 to 1260, noted that the two naves contained the friars' choir and the church of the laity ‘… est divisa ecclesia fratrum et ecclesia laicorum …’, quoted from Prin, M., ‘L'église des Jacobins di Toulouse: les étapes de la construction’, in La naissance et l'essor du gothique méridional au XIIIe siècle (Cahiers de Fanjeaux IX) (Toulouse, 1974), 185–208, esp. p. 187Google Scholar, and by Sundt, ‘The Jacobin church’ (above, n. 111), 187.

113 Meersseman, ‘L'architecture dominicaine’ (above, n. 82), 161. This church, which was demolished in 1849, was mentioned briefly by Lambert, ‘L'église et le couvent’ (above, n. 111), 179–81; Schenkluhn, Ordines Studentes (above, n. 103), 55–71; Sundt, ‘The Jacobin church’ (above, n. 111), 203–4.

114 Sundt, ‘The Jacobin church’ (above, n. 111), 190, referring to Reichert, B.M. (ed.), Acta Capitulorum Generalium Ordinis Praedicatorum (MOPH III) (Rome, 1898), 47Google Scholar, and Sundt, ‘Mediocres domos’ (above, n. 82), 406, appendix C, AD 1249: ‘…Intermedia que sunt in ecclesiis nostris inter seculares et fratres, sic disponantur ubique per priores. Quod fratres egredientes et ingredientes de choro non possint videri a secularibus vel videre eosdem. Poterunt tamen alique fenestre ibidem aptari ut tempore elevationis corporis dominici possint aperiri …’. Sundt pointed out that the legislation of 1249 does not so much prescribe the transverse wall, as define details of its disposition.

115 As noted above (p. 255 and n. 101), this was the case at Sant'Eustorgio, Milan, by c. 1340.

116 Meersseman, ‘L'architecture dominicaine’ (above, n. 82), 179; see also Hall, M.B., ‘The Ponte in S. Maria Novella: the problem of the rood screen in Italy’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 37 (1974), 157–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The Franciscan church of Santa Croce in Florence had a comparable screen, as noted by Hall, M.B., ‘The tramezzo in Santa Croce, Florence, reconstructed’, The Art Bulletin 56 (1974), 325–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

117 Bruzelius, C., ‘Hearing is believing: Clarissan architecture, ca. 1213–1340’, Gesta 31 (1992), 83–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar, gives several arrangements for nuns' choirs found in medieval Poor Clare nunneries.

118 Such a wall has been suggested in Lloyd, J. Barclay and Einaudi, K. Bull-Simonsen, SS. Cosma e Damiano in Mica Aurea (Miscellanea della Società Romana di Storia Patria XXXVIII) (Rome, 1998), 86–93, 95–6, 122Google Scholar; and Barclay Lloyd, ‘The architectural planning of Pope Innocent III's nunnery of S. Sisto’ (above, n. 32).

119 See Graham, R., ‘Excavations on the site of Sempringham Priory’, Journal of the British Archaeological Association n.s. 5 (1940), 73–101CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Excavations revealed a similar wall dividing the Gilbertine church at Watton, as explained by Hope, W.H. St John, ‘The Gilbertine priory of Watton, in the East Riding of Yorkshire’, Archaeological Journal 58 (1901), 1–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

120 Sundt, ‘The Jacobin church’ (above, n. 111), 191, n. 25, claimed that the earliest was at Sant'Eustorgio in Milan, but in fact it was built at least a year after that at Santa Sabina.

121 Several aspects of this work, including the levelling of the road, were listed by Sixtus V's architect, Domenico Fontana, in a manuscript Libro di tutta la Spesa da N.S. Papa Sisto V. a Santa Sabina, 1587, in the Archivio Segreto Vaticano, AA.ARM. B 15. The road is mentioned on fol. 13r.

122 Ugonio, Historia delle stationi (above, n. 8).

123 ‘…così nel Portico maggiore, come per i muri della nave di mezzo sopra le colonne si veggono incrostature di varie pietre artificiosamente conteste, di qual lavoro habbiamo visto rovinosi vestigij nella Tribuna ancora, prima che fusse rinovata, et in miglior stato ridotta dal presente Religiosiss. Pont. Sisto Quinto.’: Ugonio, Historia delle stationi (above, n. 8), 8r and v.

124 ‘Si vede anco nell'arco della Tribuna in due fregi che vi sono rimasi, segno del Musaico antico, che pur è verisimile fusse da principio’: Ugonio, Historia delle stationi (above, n. 8), 9r. A frieze of portraits in roundels, like those now surrounding the apsidal arch, was depicted in Ciampini, Vetera monimenta (above, n. 5), tab. XLVII.

125 Ugonio, Historia delle stationi (above, n. 8), 9v.

126 ‘Del medesimo Eugenio era quivi intorno all'altare il Presbiterio, loco dove sedevano i Sacerdoti e Cardinali assistenti al Pontefice, et era cinto con tavole di marmo, et appresso drizzate sei colonne, che scompartite a suoi luoghi sostenevano un fregio alto di pietra.’: Ugonio, Historia delle stationi (above, n. 8), 9v.

127 ‘EUGENIUS. SECUNDUS. PAPA. ROMANUS’: Ugonio, Historia delle stationi (above, n. 8), 10r.

128 Ugonio, Historia delle stationi (above, n. 8), 10v–11r.

129 Referred to in Fontana, Libro di tutta la Spesa (above, n. 121), 13r.

130 Ugonio, Historia delle stationi (above, n. 8), 11r.

131 ‘SIXTUS V. PONT. MAX. / ECCLESIAM HANC INTERMEDIO / PARIETE RUINOSQ. TECTORIO / SUBLATIS PAVIMENTO STRATO / GRADIBUS ERECTIS PICTURIS AD /PIETATEM ACCOMMODATIS ALTARIQ. / UNA CUM SACRIS MARTYRUM ALEXANDRI PAPAE, / EVENTII, THEODOLI, SABINAE, ET SERAPHIAE / RELIQUIIS, OB STATIONARIAS PONTIFICIASQ. / MISSAS CELEBRANDAS TRANSLATO IN HANC / FORMAM RESTITUIT ANNO PONT. II.’ Transcribed by Ugonio, Historia delle stationi (above, n. 8), 11v.

132 Rodocanachi (ed.), Cronaca (above, n. 15); Memorie (above n. 48); Notizie storiche della chiesa e convento di Sta. Sabina di Roma, c. 1640, BAV Vat. Lat. 9167, fols 254–87; and Notizie del convento e chiesa di Santa Sabina (above, n. 43). No chronicles survive at Santa Sabina from the thirteenth or fourteenth century. The works noted above refer to events from the fifteenth century onwards, and are probably based on a priory chronicle from the fifteenth or sixteenth century.

133 Rodocanachi (ed.), Cronaca (above, n. 15), 20 (in 1546), 28–9 (in 1574–5), 30 (in 1576) and 42 (in 1603).

134 Rodocanachi (ed.), Cronaca (above, n. 15), 27.

135 Rodocanachi (ed.), Cronaca (above, n. 15), 28, 43.

136 Mentioned often, for example in 1580 and 1583, Rodocanachi (ed.), Cronaca (above, n. 15), 31–3.

137 ‘…si fa il lavatorio’, Rodocanachi (ed.), Cronaca (above, n. 15), 35, in 1587.

138 Rodocanachi (ed.), Cronaca (above, n. 15), 35.

139 Rodocanachi (ed.), Cronaca (above, n. 15), 43.

140 I thank Jeremy Blake for making the survey with me in 1982. In that year the plaster on the walls of the cloister was removed, making the medieval masonry accessible. The various types of medieval masonry were identified according to the classifications in Lloyd, J.E. Barclay, ‘Masonry techniques in medieval Rome, c. 1080-–c. 1300’, Papers of the British School at Rome 53 (1985), 225–77. Table 2 is on p. 274CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

141 Since the aim of this research has been to study the medieval buildings of Santa Sabina, little attention has been paid to the block (Fig. 4, L and M) that was built in 1936–8; it is merely shown in part on the plans and has not been included in the sections. The orange-garden park (F) and the enclosing walls of the medieval fortress, though medieval, have been left out of the survey drawings altogether, since they belong to a different building complex.

142 This formed part of their thesis, Il convento di Santa Sabina. Storia e restauro, for a degree at the Facoltà di Architettura ‘Valle Giulia’ of the University of Rome ‘La Sapienza’. The graduands and Professors Corrado Bozzoni, Giovanni Carbonara, Antonino Gallo Curcio and Roberto Palumbo presented the thesis with an exhibition of drawings and photographs at Santa Sabina on 20 November 2002. The exhibition remained in the cloister for a few days after that event.

143 The thesis evidently is going to be published, and, if funding is available, restoration of the priory will be undertaken. We look forward to the publication, and believe the restoration campaign would benefit the convent of Santa Sabina.

144 Since this study is concerned principally with the medieval phases of the buildings, there is no discussion of the ancient levels excavated below the Santa Sabina site and analyzed in Darsy, Recherches (above, n. 1). Table 1 is on p. 268.

145 The windows in the narthex are similar to stone or marble framed rectangular windows in other buildings in Rome of medieval date, see Lloyd, J.E. Barclay, The Medieval Church and Canonry of S. Clemente in Rome, ca. 1080–ca. 1300 (San Clemente Miscellany III) (Rome, 1989), 25–9Google Scholar.

146 Rodocanachi (ed.), Cronaca (above, n. 15), 24 and 26.

147 Such windows were common in medieval chapter rooms. In Rome they can be seen at the monastery of Sant'Anastasio at Tre Fontane (c. 1140) and at San Sisto (1198–1219). In Cistercian houses the lay-brothers sat in the cloister ambulatory and listened to the abbot speaking in the chapter through such windows. It is likely that the Dominicans adopted this practice.

148 Rodocanachi (ed.), Cronaca (above, n. 15), 24.

149 See Rodocanachi (ed.), Cronaca (above, n. 15), 47–8, referring to the stone stairs built in 1620: ‘si fa la scala di pietra dentro il campanile come hoggi sta, che prima cominciava dal chiostro dove è la porta della cantina e terminava in dormitorio a drittura della figura della Madonna’.

150 Most of the walls are still uncovered.

151 The types of masonry listed and their dates follow those in Barclay Lloyd, ‘Masonry techniques’ (above, n. 140).

152 ‘Falsa cortina pointing’ is a technique of incising a line along the mortar beds. Italian scholars often call this ‘stilatura’. For dated examples of this masonry, see those listed in Barclay Lloyd, ‘Masonry techniques’ (above, n. 140), 267–8.

153 For dated examples of this masonry, see those listed in Barclay Lloyd, ‘Masonry techniques’ (above, n. 140), 269–70.

154 For dated examples of this masonry, see those listed in Barclay Lloyd, ‘Masonry techniques’ (above, n. 140), 271.

155 For dated examples of this masonry, see those listed in Barclay Lloyd, ‘Masonry techniques’ (above, n. 140), 272.

156 For dated examples of this masonry, see those listed in Barclay Lloyd, ‘Masonry techniques’ (above, n. 140), 275.

157 The stairs and ramp from the narthex to the cloister were made in 1599, as noted in Rodocanachi (ed.), Cronaca (above, n. 15), 40.

158 See Appendix, Wall 2: ambulatory wa1l of wing R, Masonry.

159 See Appendix, Wall 2: ambulatory wall of wing R, Traces of medieval openings.

160 See Appendix, Wall 3: ambulatory wall of wing S, Masonry.

161 See Appendix, Wall 3: ambulatory wall of wing S, Traces of medieval openings.

162 For masonry in the cellar, see Appendix, Wall 4: ambulatory wall of wing P, Masonry.

163 See Appendix, Wall 4: ambulatory wall of wing P, Traces of medieval openings.

164 See Appendix, Wall 4: ambulatory wall of wing P, Masonry.

165 In the pontificate of Pius V it is recorded that work was done in the cloister in 1566, and ‘le camere del dormitorio sopra l'ala del chiostro’ were built in 1567 — see Rodocanachi (ed.), Cronaca (above, n. 15), 26.

166 See Appendix, Wall 5: ambulatory wall of wing Q, Masonry.

167 See Appendix, Wall 5: ambulatory wall of wing Q, Traces of medieval openings.

168 The sources refer to such a loggia. For example, in 1568, ‘… Il generale Giustiniani fa lastricare la loggia verso il Tevere’: Rodocanachi (ed.), Cronaca (above, n. 15), 27. It is possible that this loggia was also called the ‘Belvedere’, since it opened on a magnificent view of the river Tiber. See, for example, the entry for 1487 referring to the ‘romitorio sotto Belvedere’ in Rodocanachi (ed.), Cronaca (above, n. 15), 10.

169 See Appendix, Wall 6: plinth and piers of the cloister colonnade in wing R, Masonry.

170 See Appendix, Wall 7: plinth and piers of the cloister colonnade in wing S, Masonry.

171 See Appendix, Wall 8: plinth and piers of the cloister colonnade in wing Q, Masonry.

172 See Appendix, Wall 9: plinth and piers of the cloister colonnade in wing P, Masonry.

173 Darsy, Santa Sabina (above, n. 1), 37 and 139.

174 Information given at the time of the survey.

175 Muñoz, Il restauro (above, n. 1), 42–3, agreed with this except that he said the vaults were built in the fifteenth century. He also claimed to have ‘liberated’ the cloister from later additions and to have consolidated it.

176 See Appendix, Analysis of wall 13 in wing B.

177 See Appendix, Analysis of walls in the medieval house (H), Masonry.

178 For similar medieval housing in Rome, see Krautheimer, Rome (above, n. 1), 289–303.

179 See Appendix, Analysis of walls in the medieval house (H), Traces of medieval openings.

180 Darsy, Santa Sabina (above, n. 1), 25, 30 and 115, who follows Serafini, Torri campanarie (above n. 9), 94–6.

181 See Appendix, Analysis of the masonry and vaulting in the medieval bell-tower. For the structure of medieval bell-towers in Rome, see Priester, A.E., The Belltowers of Medieval Rome and the Architecture of Renovatio (Princeton University, Ph.D. thesis, 1990Google Scholar).

182 It is recorded that in 1594 Pope Clement VIII gave 100 scudi for the church, ‘ma di quelli se ne fa il campanile’, and in 1596 ‘Si mette la campana piccola sopra il campanile’ — Rodocanachi (ed.), Cronaca (above, n. 15), 38–9.

183 Rodocanachi (ed.), Cronaca (above, n. 15), 45.

184 Darsy, Santa Sabina (above, n. 1), 64, gave dates for both the staircase and the ramp.

185 The technique was used across the centre of Santo Stefano Rotondo in 1130–43, across the transept of San Paolo fuori le mura and three times across the nave of Santa Prassede in the twelfth or thirteenth century. Muñoz, Il restauro (above, n. 1), 41, dated the arrangement in the narthex at Santa Sabina to the thirteenth century; Darsy, Santa Sabina (above, n. 1), 63, gave a precise date of 1218–22, but he proffered no firm evidence.

186 It was quite common to have a double-storeyed narthex in medieval Rome, as they still exist at Santa Maria in Cosmedin (remodelled early in the twelfth century and consecrated in 1123) and at Santi Giovannie Paolo (narthex built in 1154); see Barclay Lloyd, The Medieval Church (above, n. 145), 122.

187 Prandi, A., ‘Per Santa Sabina’, Strenna dei Romanisti 38 (1977), 307–14Google Scholar; and Darsy, Recherches (above, n. 1), 97–8.

188 It was not possible to examine all the masonry on the exterior of wall 10 in 1982, or subsequently.

189 Prandi, ‘Per Santa Sabina’ (above, n. 187) and Darsy, Recherches (above, n. 1); see Appendix, Wall 1.

190 Rodocanachi (ed.), Cronaca (above, n. 15), 54–5. The cell's location was agreed upon in the seventeenth century. Yet it must be noted that there was a tradition in the Dominican Order that Saint Dominic never had a cell of his own, as pointed out by Bedouelle, Saint Dominic (above, n. 24), 99.

191 Berthier, L'église de Sainte-Sabine (above, n. 1), 484.

192 Muñoz, Il restauro (above, n. 2), 6.

193 Rodocanachi (ed.), Cronaca (above, n. 15), 54–5.

194 Darsy, Santa Sabina (above, n. 1), 40–1.

195 I believe the later ‘Prison’ at the Cistercian abbey of Santi Vincenzo e Anastasio at Tre Fontane near Rome was such a cell.

196 The description of the doorways and windows follows the typology given in Barclay Lloyd, The Medieval Church (above, n. 145), 25–30.

197 This was when the cell was remodelled, as noted in Rodocanachi (ed.), Cronaca (above, n. 15), 54.

198 The upper part of the wall could also be much later, for sometimes late sixteenth- or seventeenth-century masonry has a 5 × 5 modulus of 270 mm.

199 Pointed out in Lloyd, J.E. Barclay, ‘The building history of the medieval church of S. Clemente in Rome’, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 45 (1986), 197–223Google Scholar; and Barclay Lloyd, The Medieval Church (above, n. 145), 22–3.