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Genoa and the Security of the Seas: the Mission of Babilano Lomellino in 1350

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 August 2013

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Extract

For Genoa the ‘crisis of the fourteenth century’ had political as well as economic reality; the strife within the city and its colonies of Guelfs and Ghibellines was mirrored in its diplomatic affairs, as Genoa searched for friends in Guelf Naples or Ghibelline Sicily. The appearance of Catalan naval power presented a direct threat to Genoese shipping, however peaceful the intent of the latter might be; and attempts at co-operation between Genoa and Venice foundered on the banks of suspicion and envy. Commercial recession brought serious worry to what was still a trading, rather than industrial, centre, and there was a reluctance to waste valuable naval resources in attempts to eliminate Venetian or Catalan rivals. This attitude was not confined to Genoa, and perhaps explains why the western trading cities were more anxious to settle their differences by negotiation and compromise than they had been in the thirteenth century. Severest problem of all was that of the ‘pestifferam mortalitatem mundo totali occursam’; in the years immediately following the arrival of the Black Death (1347) the maritime cities found themselves suddenly deprived of invaluable manpower, and yet, paradoxically, they were not without the means to pay for the services of sailors and ship-builders if only these men could be found. Money, the money of dead men, there was in plenty; but neither the Genoese nor the Venetians knew how to adapt to the rapid change in the structure of demand that the pestilence engendered.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © British School at Rome 1977

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References

1 Interesting from this angle is Kedar, B. Z.'s attempt to gauge the mood of Genoese merchants of the period: Merchants in Crisis: Genoese and Venetian men of affairs and the fourteenth century depression (New Haven, 1976)Google Scholar.

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8 Following the mysterious death of Joanna's Hungarian consort Andrew, the king of Hungary invaded Naples but was forced to retreat in 1348. For this queen see Léonard, É. G., Histoire de Jeanne Ier reine de Naples, comtesse de Provence, 3 vols. published (Monaco—Paris, 19321937)Google Scholar. See also Brunetti, 139–42.

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18 Printed infra from Archivio di Stato, Genoa, Archivio segreto, materie politiche, 2737A, no. 69. Cf. Lisciandrelli no. 551 for brief note; Meloni, G., Genova e Aragona all'epoca di Pietro il Ceremonioso, i (1336–54), Padua, 1971, 60Google Scholar.

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20 A list of documents concerning the Lomellini in the Naples archives (originals now destroyed) was provided in 1610 by Petrus Vincentius, archivist of the Sicilian kingdom, to a Genoese client, and now constitutes Archivio Segreto 2727 no. 18 in the Archivio di Stato, Genoa. Fuller copies of two fourteenth-century documents cited by Vincentius were also provided (2727 (17), of 1326/7 and 2727 (19), of 1327/8), plus a stray text (2727 (20)) not listed in no. 18. Nine privileges, all of the fourteenth century are listed, which with 2727 (20) makes a total of ten documents.

21 Annales Genuenses di Giorgio Stella, ed. Balbi, G. (Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, ser. 2, vol. xvii, part 2), 150–1Google Scholar. For later developments, see Sorbelli, A., La lotta tra Genova e Venezia per il predominio del Mediterraneo, 1350–5 (Bologna, 1921)Google Scholar (= Memorie della R. Accademia delle Scienze dell' Istituto di Bologna, classe di scienze morali, ser. 1, vol. v, sezione di scienze storico–fililogiche, 1911, p. 87157Google Scholar (parte prima)). This, like Brunetti, is based on the Venetian documentation only.