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VIRGIL'S FOURTH ECLOGUE AND THE VISUAL ARTS*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 September 2015

L.B.T. Houghton
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Abstract

Virgil's poetry has frequently appeared in illustrated editions, and has regularly provided subjects for other works of art, including some of the most celebrated masterpieces of the western tradition. In view of its constant appropriation in literary contexts over the course of the centuries, we might expect the famous fourth Eclogue (the so-called ‘messianic’ eclogue) to have exerted more of an impact on visual culture than it appears to have done. This paper considers some of the possible reasons for the apparent scarcity of engagement with Virgil's poem beyond the literary sphere, and examines the uses to which the poet's text is put when it does make an appearance in visual media — perhaps more often than has sometimes been supposed.

La poesia di Virgilio è stata frequentemente utilizzata per edizioni illustrate e ha fornito regolarmente soggetti per altri lavori d'arte, tra cui alcuni dei più celebri capolavori della tradizione occidentale. Proprio in considerazione del suo continuo utilizzo in ambito letterario nel corso dei secoli, ci dovremmo aspettare che la famosa quarta egloga (la cosiddetta egloga ‘messianica’) abbia esercitato più di un semplice impatto sulla cultura visiva, rispetto a quello che sembra aver fatto. Questo saggio prende in considerazione alcune delle possibili ragioni dell'apparente scarsità di interesse nel poema virgiliano al di fuori della sfera letteraria ed esamina le modalità con cui il testo del poeta è utilizzato nelle arti visive, cosa che peraltro accade più spesso di quanto sia stato a volte supposto.

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Papers of the British School at Rome , Volume 83 , October 2015 , pp. 175 - 220
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Copyright © British School at Rome 2015 

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Footnotes

*

Earlier versions of this material were presented in a lecture at the British School at Rome in December 2010, at the Director's work-in-progress seminar at the Warburg Institute, University of London, in February 2011, and at a meeting of the Classics and Ancient History research seminar at the University of Liverpool in November 2013; for hospitality and help on those occasions I am grateful to Christopher Smith, Susan Russell, Peter Mack, Jill Kraye, Fiona Hobden and Bruce Gibson. For discussion of individual points and for bibliographical and other help I am particularly indebted to Robert Coates-Stephens, Bernard Frischer, Paul Gwynne, Alexander Lee, Fiachra Mac Góráin, Matthew Nicholls and Paul Taylor.

References

1 For general surveys see especially d'Ancona, P., ‘Virgilio e le arti rappresentative’, Emporium 65 (1927), 245–62Google Scholar; Tea, E. and Mieli, E., ‘Virgilio nell'arte figurativa’, Emporium 74 (1931), 83–96 Google Scholar; G. de Tervarent, Présence de Virgile dans l'art (Brussels, 1967); M. Fagiolo (ed.), Virgilio nell'arte e nella cultura europea (Rome, 1981); M. Fabbroni, S. Madonna, F. Panariello and C. Savona, ‘Appendice: Virgilio nelle arti figurative’, in Nel bimillenario della morte di Virgilio (Mantua, 1983), 211–19; N. Llewellyn, ‘Virgil and the visual arts’, in C. Martindale (ed.), Virgil and his Influence: Bimillennial Studies (Bristol, 1984), 117–40; M.J.H. Liversidge, ‘Virgil in art’, in C. Martindale (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Virgil (Cambridge, 1997), 91–102; D. Joyner, ‘Virgilian images’, in J.M. Ziolkowski and M.C.J. Putnam (eds), The Virgilian Tradition: the First Fifteen Hundred Years (New Haven/London, 2008), 427–63; V. Farinella, Virgilio: volti e immagini del poeta (Milan, 2011); P. Hardie, The Last Trojan Hero: a Cultural History of Virgil's Aeneid (London/New York, 2014), 189–208.

2 See, for example, V. Zabughin, Vergilio nel Rinascimento italiano, da Dante a Torquato Tasso, 2 vols (Bologna, 1921–3; reprinted Trento, 2000), II, 393; Fagiolo (ed.), Virgilio nell'arte e nella cultura europea (above, n. 1), 206–7 figs 1–2; P. Barolsky, Michelangelo's Nose: a Myth and its Maker (University Park/London, 1990), 116–18; M. Baumbach, ‘Aeneas’, in A. Grafton, G.W. Most and S. Settis (eds), The Classical Tradition (Cambridge (MA)/London, 2010), 8–10, at pp. 8–9; Hardie, The Last Trojan Hero (above, n. 1), 198 with 200 fig. 21. The Virgilian origin of the motif was noted as early as Vasari, who observes in his Life of Raphael: ‘On the other side is depicted an infirm old man, distraught by his weakness and the flames of the fire, being carried (as Virgil describes Anchises being carried by Aeneas) by a young man whose face expresses his strength and courage and whose body shows the strain of carrying the figure slumped on his back’ (G. Bull (translator), Giorgio Vasari: Lives of the Artists, 1 (Harmondsworth, 1987), 308–9).

3 See H. Kauffmann, ‘Die ‘Aeneas- und Anchises’-Gruppe von Gianlorenzo Bernini (1598–1680) in der Galleria Borghese’, in Studien zur Geschichte der Europäischen Plastik. Festschrift für Theodor Müller (Munich, 1965), 281–91; Fagiolo (ed.), Virgilio nell'arte e nella cultura europea (above, n. 1), 208–9; Liversidge, ‘Virgil in art’ (above, n. 1), 98 with pl. 8; Hardie, The Last Trojan Hero (above, n. 1), 198 with 199 fig. 20. For other artistic appropriations of the Virgilian theme, see Fagiolo (ed.), Virgilio nell'arte e nella cultura europea (above, n. 1), 203–10; Rapp, J., ‘Adam Elsheimer ‘Aeneas rettet Anchises aus dem brennenden Troja’: ein Stammbuchblatt in Deckfarbenmalerei’, Pantheon 47 (1989), 112–32Google Scholar.

4 See M. Sonnabend and J. Whiteley with C. Rümelin, Claude Lorrain: the Enchanted Landscape (Oxford, 2011), 52–5; A.G. McKay, ‘Virgilian landscape into art’, in D.R. Dudley (ed.), Virgil (London, 1969), 139–60, at pp. 153–4 (and pp. 147–54 on Claude and Virgil generally); Llewellyn, ‘Virgil and the visual arts’ (above, n. 1), 134 (and generally pp. 128–34); Hardie, The Last Trojan Hero (above, n. 1), 204–5 with fig. 24.

5 See D. Solkin (ed.), Turner and the Masters (London, 2009), 214–15 (nos. 93 and 94); Llewellyn, ‘Virgil and the visual arts’ (above, n. 1), 133–4; Hardie, The Last Trojan Hero (above, n. 1), 206–7 with plate 13. Turner left his collection to the nation on the condition that this picture would always be exhibited beside Claude's work. On Turner and Virgil, see generally McKay, ‘Virgilian landscape into art’ (above, n. 4), 154–7; Liversidge, ‘Virgil in art’ (above, n. 1), 100; D. Blayney Brown, ‘Empire and exile: Vergil in Romantic art’, in J. Farrell and M.C.J. Putnam (eds), A Companion to Vergil's Aeneid and its Tradition (Malden/Oxford/Chichester, 2010), 311–24.

6 See, for example, P. Condon with M.B. Cohn and A. Mongan, Ingres: in Pursuit of Perfection. The Art of J.-A.-D. Ingres (Bloomington, 1983), 52–9. The theme was treated also by Angelica Kauffman and Jean-Joseph Taillasson (see C. Winterer, ‘Why did American women read the Aeneid?’, in Farrell and Putnam (eds), A Companion to Vergil's Aeneid (above, n. 5), 366–75, at pp. 369–70 with plates 7 and 8; Llewellyn, ‘Virgil and the visual arts’ (above, n. 1), 118–19 n. 5). See also Fagiolo (ed.), Virgilio nell'arte e nella cultura europea (above, n. 1), 80–1 figs 2–3.

7 See VSD 32 (Ziolkowski and Putnam (eds), The Virgilian Tradition (above, n. 1), 184, 192). The reliability of the story has been called into question by Horsfall, N., ‘Virgil reads; Octavia faints: grounds for doubt’, Proceedings of the Virgil Society 24 (2001), 135–7Google Scholar.

8 See Zabughin, Vergilio nel Rinascimento italiano (above, n. 2), II, 29–33 for this and other uses of Virgil by Renaissance theorists of the visual arts.

9 Both aspects are considered in G. Costa, La leggenda dei secoli d'oro nella letteratura italiana (Bari, 1972), and Grant, W.L., ‘A classical theme in Neo-Latin’, Latomus 16 (1957), 690–706 Google Scholar. On the panegyrical side, see also Gombrich, E.H., ‘Renaissance and Golden Age’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 24 (1961), 306–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar (reprinted in E.H. Gombrich, Norm and Form: Studies in the Art of the Renaissance (London, 1966), 29–34). For Eclogue 4 and Christianity, see especially D. Comparetti, Vergil in the Middle Ages, trans. E.F.M. Benecke (London, 1895; reprinted Princeton, 1997), 96–103, 310–11; Bourne, E., ‘The messianic prophecy in Vergil's fourth Eclogue’, The Classical Journal 11 (1916), 390–400 Google Scholar; Prümm, K., ‘Das Prophetenamt der Sibyllen in kirchlicher Literatur, mit besonderer Rücksicht auf die Deutung der 4. Ekloge Virgils’, Scholastik 4 (1929), 54–77 Google Scholar, 221–46, 498–533; Strecker, K., ‘‘Iam nova progenies caelo demittitur alto’’, Studi Medievali n.s. 5 (1932), 167–86Google Scholar; Courcelle, P., ‘Les exégèses chrétiennes de la quatrième Eglogue’, Revue des Études Anciennes 59 (1957), 294–319 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; S. Benko, ‘Virgil's fourth Eclogue in Christian interpretation’, Aufstieg und Niedergang der Römischen Welt II.31.1 (1980), 646–705; Kallendorf, C., ‘From Virgil to Vida: the Poeta Theologus in Italian Renaissance commentary’, Journal of the History of Ideas 56 (1995), 41–62 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ziolkowski and Putnam (eds), The Virgilian Tradition (above, n. 1), 487–503; Hadas, D., ‘Christians, Sibyls and Eclogue 4’, Recherches Augustiniennes et Patristiques 37 (2013), 51–129 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Notable modern studies of the religious character of the fourth Eclogue include E. Norden, Die Geburt des Kindes: Geschichte einer Religiösen Idee (Leipzig, 1924); Nisbet, R.G.M., ‘Virgil's fourth Eclogue: easterners and westerners’, Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 25 (1978), 59–78 CrossRefGoogle Scholar (reprinted in R.G.M. Nisbet, Collected Papers on Latin Literature, ed. S.J. Harrison (Oxford, 1995), 47–75).

10 H. Levin, The Myth of the Golden Age in the Renaissance (London, 1970), 113 (on iconography see also pp. 193–9).

11 Puttfarken, T., ‘Golden Age and Justice in sixteenth-century Florentine political thought and imagery: observations on three pictures by Jacopo Zucchi’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 43 (1980), 130–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at p. 132.

12 Levin, The Myth of the Golden Age (above, n. 10), xvii; Costa, La leggenda dei secoli d'oro (above, n. 9), 89 (and see generally pp. 89–91).

13 Schier, R., ‘Giorgione's Tempesta: a Virgilian pastoral’, Renaissance Studies 22 (2008), 476–506 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

14 S. Saward, The Golden Age of Marie de’ Medici (Ann Arbor, 1982), 21–3, 28, 35–6, 86–7, 152–4; see also M. Winner, ‘The orb as the symbol of the state in the pictorial cycle depicting the life of Maria de’ Medici by Rubens’, in A. Ellenius (ed.), Iconography, Propaganda, and Legitimation (Oxford/New York, 1988), 63–86, at pp. 82–3, 86.

15 For Marot, see G. Binder, ‘Goldene Zeiten: immer wieder wird ein Messias geboren … Beispiele neuzeitlicher Aneignung der 4. Ekloge Vergils’, in T. Burkard, M. Schauer and C. Wiener (eds), Vestigia Vergiliana: Vergil-Rezeption in der Neuzeit (Berlin/New York, 2010), 51–72, at pp. 57–61. On Campanella, see especially Ernst, G., ‘‘Redeunt Saturnia regna’. Profezia e poesia in Tommaso Campanella’, Bruniana & Campanelliana 11 (2005), 429–49Google Scholar; Costa, La leggenda dei secoli d'oro (above, n. 9), 126–39; Binder, ‘Goldene Zeiten’ (above), 63–4.

16 See especially C.L. Stinger, The Renaissance in Rome, second edition (Bloomington/Indianapolis, 1998), 296–9; Mandel, C., ‘Golden Age and the good works of Sixtus V: classical and Christian typology in the art of a Counter-Reformation pope’, Storia dell'Arte 62 (1988), 29–52 Google Scholar; Schröter, E., ‘Der Vatikan als Hügel Apollons und der Musen. Kunst und Panegyrik von Nikolaus V. bis Julius II.’, Römische Quartalschrift 75 (1980), 208–40Google Scholar.

17 See, for example, J.B. Scott, ‘Strumento di potere: Pietro da Cortona tra Barberini e Pamphilj’, in A. Lo Bianco (ed.), Pietro da Cortona 1597–1669 (Milan, 1997), 87–98, at pp. 90–6; S.C. Leone, The Palazzo Pamphilj in Piazza Navona: Constructing Identity in Early Modern Rome (London, 2008), 267–72; I. Rowland, ‘Vergil and the Pamphili family in Piazza Navona, Rome’, in Farrell and Putnam (eds), A Companion to Vergil's Aeneid (above, n. 5), 253–69; Hardie, The Last Trojan Hero (above, n. 1), 193–6 with pl. 6.

18 So Scott, ‘Strumento di potere’ (above, n. 17), 92. For the association of Innocent X with Jupiter and Justice, see Scott, ‘Strumento di potere’ (above, n. 17), 90–6.

19 Even where the title and/or subject of a painting suggest a possible relationship with the Virgilian conception of the returning Golden Age, identifiable engagement with the detail of the text can be extremely limited. A piece by Salvator Rosa (the earlier of two treatments of this subject by the artist) in the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna, currently labelled The Return of Astraea (Wiederkehr der Astraea), displays none of the other symptoms of the Golden Age described in Eclogue 4; in fact, the subject of the painting is much more likely to be the equally Virgilian theme of Astraea's departure from the country-folk (that is, her return to heaven) at Georgics 2.473–4: see Wallace, R.W., ‘Salvator Rosa's Justice Appearing to the Peasants ’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 30 (1967), 431–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar; J. Scott, Salvator Rosa: His Life and Times (New Haven/London, 1995), 43–4 with pl. 52, 56–7, 98, 213–14.

20 See conveniently Ziolkowski and Putnam (eds), The Virgilian Tradition (above, n. 1), 491–6. The bibliography on the speech is vast: in addition to items cited by Ziolkowski and Putnam, see, for example, Girardet, K.M., ‘Die Christianisierung der 4. Ekloge Vergils durch Kaiser Konstantin d. Gr.’, Gymnasium 120 (2013), 549–83Google Scholar; Hadas, ‘Christians, Sibyls and Eclogue 4’ (above, n. 9), 92–109; E.D. Floyd, ‘Eusebius’ Greek version of Vergil's fourth Eclogue’, in R. Blumenfeld-Kosinski, L. von Flotow and D. Russell (eds), The Politics of Translation in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (Tempe (AZ), 2001), 57–67; Coronati, L., ‘Osservazioni sulla traduzione greca della IV ecloga di Virgilio’, Civiltà Classica e Cristiana 5 (1984), 71–84 Google Scholar; C. Monteleone, L'egloga quarta da Virgilio a Costantino: critica del testo e ideologia (Manduria, 1975); Costa, La leggenda dei secoli d'oro (above, n. 9), xix–xxi; A. Bolhuis, Vergilius’ vierde Ecloga in de Oratio Constantini ad Sanctorum Coetum (Ermelo, 1950).

21 Numerous examples in Costa, La leggenda dei secoli d'oro (above, n. 9); see also Levin, The Myth of the Golden Age (above, n. 10).

22 Levin, The Myth of the Golden Age (above, n. 10), 18.

23 See Levin, The Myth of the Golden Age (above, n. 10), 132–3; G. Parry, The Golden Age Restor'd: the Culture of the Stuart Court, 1603–42 (Manchester, 1981), 18; R. Strong, Art and Power: Renaissance Festivals, 1450–1650 (Berkeley/Los Angeles, 1984), 72; C. Kallendorf, The Other Virgil: ‘Pessimistic’ Readings of the Aeneid in Early Modern Culture (Oxford, 2007), 105 n. 77; Hardie, The Last Trojan Hero (above, n. 1), 107.

24 Text in G. Milanesi (ed.), Giorgio Vasari: Le vite de’ più eccellenti pittori, scultori ed architettori (Florence, 1878–85), VI, 254; for discussion, see, for example, Levin, The Myth of the Golden Age (above, n. 10), 39–40; Costa, La leggenda dei secoli d'oro (above, n. 9), 77–9; Puttfarken, ‘Golden Age and Justice in sixteenth-century Florentine political thought and imagery’ (above, n. 11), 130–1; J. Cox-Rearick, Dynasty and Destiny in Medici Art. Pontormo, Leo X, and the Two Cosimos (Princeton, 1984), 26–7, 97–8; Baker, N. Scott, ‘Medicean metamorphoses: carnival in Florence, 1513’, Renaissance Studies 84 (2010), 491–510 Google Scholar.

25 Cf. M. Tafuri, Interpreting the Renaissance: Princes, Cities, Architects (New Haven/London, 2006), 101: ‘Virgil's Fourth Eclogue inspired the grandiose metaphor that animated the ritual’.

26 For the text of Giambullari's description, see A.C. Minor and B. Mitchell (eds), A Renaissance Entertainment: Festivities for the Marriage of Cosimo I, Duke of Florence, in 1539 (Columbia, 1968); discussion in Puttfarken, ‘Golden Age and Justice in sixteenth-century Florentine political thought and imagery’ (above, n. 11), 131–2.

27 ‘Dalla altra banda & nella faccia di Ponente, dirimpetto alla tornata di Cosimo era la ben fortunata Natiuità dello Illustrissimo Duca Cosimo, come nuouo principio di piu felice secolo, il che ben dimostraua lo architraue che nel tondo haueua una Fenice con queste lettere, MAGNVS AB INTEGRO SAECLORVM NASCITVR ORDO. Da basso, FORTES CREANTVR FORTIBVS. Nel fianco uerso la loggia IAM NOVA PROGENIES, Nel altro commune à questo & al seguente quadro, REDEVNT SATVRNIA REGNA’ (‘On the other side and on the west face, opposite the return of Cosimo, was the auspicious nativity of the most illustrious Duke Cosimo, as the new beginning of a happier age; this was clearly demonstrated by the architrave, which had in its round a phoenix with these letters: THE GREAT SEQUENCE OF AGES IS BORN ANEW. Below: THE BRAVE ARE BORN FROM THE BRAVE. On the side facing the loggia: NOW A NEW OFFSPRING; and on the other side, common to this and to the following picture: THE REIGN OF SATURN RETURNS’): Minor and Mitchell (eds), A Renaissance Entertainment (above, n. 26), 121.

28 On the use of the fourth Eclogue in the promotion of the Medici dynasty, see, for example, Gombrich, ‘Renaissance and Golden Age’ (above, n. 9); Costa, La leggenda dei secoli d'oro (above, n. 9), esp. pp. 43–55; Puttfarken, ‘Golden Age and Justice in sixteenth-century Florentine political thought and imagery’ (above, n. 11); Cox-Rearick, Dynasty and Destiny in Medici Art (above, n. 24).

29 The same might be said of the appearance of Virgilian tags on coinage, a practice that goes back to antiquity, in the form of the famous coins of Carausius featuring the legends INPCDA (cf. Ecl. 4.7) and RSR (cf. Ecl. 4.6, redeunt Saturnia regna): see de la Bédoyère, G., ‘Carausius and the marks RSR and INPCDA’, The Numismatic Chronicle 158 (1998), 79–88 Google Scholar. For later examples of borrowings from Eclogue 4 in numismatic contexts, see the medal of 1572 celebrating the birth of Ferdinando, son of Philip II of Spain, with inscriptions TVRCÆ CLASSE DEVICTA (‘on the defeat of the Turk's fleet’, reverse) and IAM NOVA PROGENIES (Ecl. 4.7, obverse, accompanying image of Juno with child and peacock; see C. Arnould and P. Assenmaker, ‘Vergilius in nummis: Virgilian quotes on medals and tokens issued in the Netherlands during the second half of the sixteenth century’, in L.B.T. Houghton and M. Sgarbi (eds), Virgil and Renaissance Culture (Tempe, forthcoming)), and the Thaler of Maximilian Josef, King of Bavaria, minted in 1818 to mark the Bavarian constitution, quoting Eclogue 4.5 (see G.S. Cuhaj (ed.), Standard Catalog of World Coins, 1801–1900, seventh edition (Iola (WI), 2012), 391).

30 Scutum regale, the Royal Buckler; or, Vox Legis, a Lecture to Traytors; Who Most Wickedly Murthered Charles the I, and Contrary to All Law and Religion Banished Charles the II, 3rd Monarch of Great Britain, &c. (London, 1660). See A. Lacey, The Cult of King Charles the Martyr (Woodbridge, 2003), 145.

31 See P. Hammond, The Making of Restoration Poetry (Cambridge, 2006), 93–4; P. Davis, ‘Dryden and the invention of Augustan culture’, in S.N. Zwicker (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to John Dryden (Cambridge, 2004), 75–91, at p. 78.

32 On the appearance of Eclogue 4 in early American political and educational culture, see, for example, M. Reinhold, Classica Americana: the Greek and Roman Heritage in the United States (Detroit, 1984), 225, 229, 233, 238–9; S.-M. Grant, A Concise History of the United States of America (New York, 2012), 133 fig. 4.7 (and reference in following note); also L.J. Cappon (ed.), The Adams-Jefferson Letters (Chapel Hill, 1959), II, 610 (John Adams to Jefferson, 25 February 1825: ‘I look back with rapture to those golden days when Virginia and Massachusetts lived and acted together like a band of brothers and I hope it will not be long before they say redeunt saturnia regna’).

33 See Grant, A Concise History of the United States of America (above, n. 32), 142 fig. 5.2.

34 For discussion and illustrations, see G. Piantoni, ‘Il ciclo pittorico della Galleria Sciarra’, in G. Ciucci and V. Fraticelli (eds), Architettura e urbanistica : uso e trasformazione della città storica (Venice, 1984), 271–5; G. Romani, ‘Introduction: scenes from nineteenth-century Italy: delightful stories on those long, long winter evenings’, in A. Arslan and G. Romani (eds), Writing to Delight: Italian Short Stories by Nineteenth-century Women Writers (Toronto/Buffalo/London, 2006), 3–18, at pp. 11–14.

35 See n. 9; on the parallels with Isaiah, see also J.B. Mayor, ‘Sources of the fourth Eclogue’, in J.B. Mayor, W. Warde Fowler and R.S. Conway, Virgil's Messianic Eclogue: its Meaning, Occasion, & Sources (London, 1907), 87–138; T.F. Royds, Virgil and Isaiah. A Study of the Pollio (Oxford, 1918).

36 Sannazaro, De partu virginis 3.197–232; text and translation in M.C.J. Putnam (trans.), Jacopo Sannazaro: Latin Poetry (Cambridge (MA)/London, 2009), with appendix II, 370–5.

37 Text in E. Du Méril, Origines latines du théatre moderne (Paris, 1849), 179–87, at p. 184. See Comparetti, Vergil in the Middle Ages (above, n. 9), 310–11; F. Graf, Roma nella memoria e nelle immaginazioni del medio evo (Turin, 1915), 527; Bourne, ‘The messianic prophecy inVergil's fourth Eclogue’ (above, n. 9), 394 (and pp. 394–6 for further examples). That there was an established iconography for both Virgil and the Sibyl in such liturgical dramas as early as the thirteenth century is suggested by descriptions in a manuscript of the Ordo prophetarum (Laon, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 263): see Ziolkowski and Putnam (eds), The Virgilian Tradition (above, n. 1), 453–4.

38 For discussion, see Wlosok, A., ‘Rollen Vergils im Mittelalter’, Frühmittelalterliche Studien 42 (2008), 253–69Google Scholar, at pp. 257–8; Ziolkowski and Putnam (eds), The Virgilian Tradition (above, n. 1), 454–5; E. Mâle, ‘Virgile dans l'art du moyen âge français’, Studi Medievali n.s. 5 (1932), 325–31. On the appearance of Virgil in the tree of Jesse, see generally M. O'Rourke Boyle, Petrarch's Genius: Pentimento and Prophecy (Berkeley/Los Angeles, 1991), 50.

39 Joyner, ‘Virgilian images’ (above, n. 1), 454 (‘Perhaps this figure is not Virgil, but instead the Sibyl’).

40 See Augustine, De civitate Dei 10.27, ‘Nam utique non hoc a se ipso dixisse Vergilius in eclogae ipsius quarto ferme versu indicat … Unde hoc a Cumaea Sibylla dictum esse incunctanter apparet’ (‘For clearly Virgil indicates in about the fourth verse of the eclogue itself that he did not say this on his own authority … From which it is apparent without hesitation that this was uttered by the Cumaean Sibyl’): Ziolkowski and Putnam (eds), The Virgilian Tradition (above, n. 1), 497–8.

41 The Hague, Museum Meermanno Westreenianum, MS 10 A 11, fol. 456v. On the illuminator Maître François, see E.P. Spencer, The Maître François and his Atelier (dissertation, Radcliffe College, 1931); and on de Presles's translation, see C.C. Willard, ‘Raoul de Presles's translation of Saint Augustine's De civitate Dei’, in J. Beer (ed.), Medieval Translators and their Craft (Kalamazoo, 1989), 329–46.

42 Among the colossal body of literature on the subject, see especially X. Barbier de Montault, Iconographie des Sibylles (Arras, 1874); F. Romani, Poesia pagana e arte cristiana (Florence, 1902), 45–70 (‘Le principali figurazioni della Sibilla di Cuma nell'arte cristiana’); E. Mâle, L'art religieux de la fin du Moyen Âge en France (Paris, 1908), 267–96 (also E. Mâle, Quomodo Sibyllas recentiores artifices repraesentaverint (Paris, 1899)); Rossi, A., ‘Le Sibille nelle arti figurative italiane’, L'Arte 18 (1915), 209–21Google Scholar, 272–85, 427–58; de Clercq, C., ‘Quelques séries italiennes de Sibylles’, Bulletin de l'Institut Historique Belge de Rome 48–9 (1978–9), 105–27Google Scholar; Stinger, The Renaissance in Rome (above, n. 16), 308–14; J.M. Morales Folguera, Las Sibilas en el arte de la edad moderna, Europa mediterránea y Nueva España (Málaga, s.a. (2007)); M.B. McKinley, ‘From cave to choir: the journey of the Sibyls’, in A. Holland and R. Scholar (eds), Pre-histories and Afterlives: Studies in Critical Method (London, 2009), 45–60; M. Galley, La Sibylle, de l'antiquité à nos jours (Paris, 2010), esp. pp. 107–44.

43 Cf. Romani, Poesia pagana e arte cristiana (above, n. 42), 65 (‘un segno sicuro, se non del tutto costante, di riconoscimento della Sibilla Cumana’).

44 De Clercq, ‘Quelques séries italiennes de Sibylles’ (above, n. 42), 106–18; Dotson, E.G., ‘An Augustinian interpretation of Michelangelo's Sistine ceiling, part II’, The Art Bulletin 61 (1979), 405–29Google Scholar, at pp. 405–8; C. Dempsey, The Early Renaissance and Vernacular Culture (Cambridge (MA)/London, 2012), chapters 3–4 and appendix.

45 Dotson, ‘An Augustinian interpretation of Michelangelo's Sistine ceiling’ (above, n. 44), 406, 407 n. 167.

46 Dempsey, The Early Renaissance and Vernacular Culture (above, n. 44), 123.

47 Dempsey, The Early Renaissance and Vernacular Culture (above, n. 44), 159–316; Morales Folguera, Las Sibilas en el arte de la edad moderna (above, n. 42), 151–60; A.M. Hind, Early Italian Engraving, 7 vols (London, 1938), I, 153–61, 170, 185, with plates 250, 261.

48 Dempsey, The Early Renaissance and Vernacular Culture (above, n. 44), 251–2, 295–6 with 294 fig. A.7.

49 Dempsey, The Early Renaissance and Vernacular Culture (above, n. 44), 131–3, 210–11, for example; H. Cazes, ‘Verbum inuisibile palpabitur: the Sibyls in the second half of the fifteenth century: repetition as oracular poetics’, in C.M. Sutherland and R. Sutcliffe (eds), The Changing Tradition: Women in the History of Rhetoric (Calgary, 1999), 85–96 (for a French version, see the same volume, pp. 73–84); Stinger, The Renaissance in Rome (above, n. 16), 310; Dotson, ‘An Augustinian interpretation of Michelangelo's Sistine ceiling’ (above, n. 44), 407–8; de Clercq, ‘Quelques séries italiennes de Sibylles’ (above, n. 42), 118–24; A.A. Tilley, The Dawn of the French Renaissance (Cambridge, 1918), 547; Mâle, L'art religieux de la fin du Moyen Âge en France (above, n. 42), 172–96 (with reservations in E. Wind, The Religious Symbolism of Michelangelo: the Sistine Ceiling (Oxford, 2000), 132 n. 23).

50 See A. Grafton (ed.), Rome Reborn: the Vatican Library and Renaissance Culture (Washington/New Haven/London, 1993), 79 pl. 67.

51 See M. Caciorgna and R. Guerrini, Il pavimento del Duomo di Siena. L'arte della tarsia marmorea dal XIV al XIX secolo. Fonti e simbologia (Milan, 2004); B. Santi, The Marble Pavement of the Cathedral of Siena (Florence, 1982); R.H. Hobart Cust, The Pavement Masters of Siena (1369–1562) (London, 1901).

52 Caciorgna and Guerrini, Il pavimento del Duomo di Siena (above, n. 51), 23–9; Ziolkowski and Putnam (eds), The Virgilian Tradition (above, n. 1), 456; Fagiolo (ed.), Virgilio nell'arte e nella cultura europea (above, n. 1), 87 fig. 9; Dotson, ‘An Augustinian interpretation of Michelangelo's Sistine ceiling’ (above, n. 44), 406 n. 166; Costa, La leggenda dei secoli d'oro (above, n. 9), 54; Romani, Poesia pagana e arte cristiana (above, n. 42), 50, 51, 58, 62, 65. This Sienese Sibyl appears as the frontispiece to Zabughin, Vergilio nel Rinascimento italiano (above, n. 2).

53 See generally E. Borsook and J. Offerhaus, Francesco Sassetti and Ghirlandaio at Santa Trinità, Florence: History and Legend in a Renaissance Chapel (Doornspijk, 1981); Porçal, P., ‘La Cappella Sassetti in S. Trinità a Firenze: osservazioni sull'iconografia’, Antichità Viva 23 (1984), 26–36 Google Scholar; S. Innocenti, ‘La Cappella Sassetti a Santa Trinità’, in M. Bellini (ed.), Cappelle del Rinascimento a Firenze (Florence, 1998), 79–88; Morales Folguera, Las Sibilas en el arte de la edad moderna (above, n. 42), 160–2. See also Aby Warburg's classic essay, ‘Francesco Sassetti's last injunctions to his sons’, in A. Warburg, The Renewal of Pagan Antiquity, trans. D. Britt (Los Angeles, 1999), 222–62.

54 See the bibliography in the preceding note. Warburg, ‘Francesco Sassetti's last injunctions to his sons’ (above, n. 53), 247, argues that Ghirlandaio's altarpiece for the chapel ‘uses all the weight of the new historical and archaeological learning to establish antiquity in its rightful position …: in the antechamber of the Christian edifice’.

55 Morales Folguera, Las sibilas en el arte de la edad moderna (above, n. 42), 161; Porçal, ‘La Cappella Sassetti in S. Trinità a Firenze’ (above, n. 53), 29–30; Romani, Poesia pagana e arte cristiana (above, n. 42), 62–3.

56 On the chapel and its decoration, see generally G.L. Geiger, Filippino Lippi's Carafa Chapel. Renaissance Art in Rome (Kirksville (MS), 1986), esp. pp. 55–72 on the Sibyls; E. Parlato, ‘La decorazione della Cappella Carafa: allegoria ed emblematica negli affreschi di Filippino Lippi alla Minerva’, in S. Danesi Squarzina (ed.), Roma, centro ideale della cultura dell'antico nei secoli XV e XVI. Da Martino V al Sacco di Roma 1417–1527 (Milan, 1989), 169–84; Morales Folguera, Las Sibilas en el arte de la edad moderna (above, n. 42), 170–1.

57 So Parlato, ‘La decorazione della Cappella Carafa’ (above, n. 56), 174, refers to ‘la cultura umanistica del Carafa in cui il gusto archeologico si intreccia continuamente con motivi di carattere personale’.

58 Parlato, ‘La decorazione della Cappella Carafa’ (above, n. 56), 169, 179, with 173 fig. 6, 183 fig. 20; see Reynolds, A., ‘The private and public emblems of Cardinal Oliviero Carafa’, Bibliothèque d'Humanisme et Renaissance 45 (1983), 273–84Google Scholar.

59 See C. Cieri Via, ‘Sacrae effigies e signa arcana: la decorazione di Pinturicchio e scuola nell'appartamento Borgia in Vaticano’, in Danesi Squarzina, Roma, centro ideale della cultura dell'antico nei secoli XV e XVI (above, n. 56), 185–200, at p. 193. On the relationship between the two schemes, see also M. Calvesi, ‘Il gaio classicismo. Pinturicchio e Francesco Colonna nella Roma di Alessandro VI’, in Danesi Squarzina, Roma, centro ideale della cultura dell'antico nei secoli XV e XVI (above, n. 56), 70–101, at p. 92 (and on Agnello's apparatus for Alexander's coronation, including the line ‘prisca novis cedant, rerum nunc aureus ordo est’ — ‘let the old yield to the new; now the order of things is golden’ — see p. 72).

60 On Pinturicchio's programme, see generally F. Ehrle and E. Stevenson, Gli affreschi del Pinturicchio nell'Appartamento Borgia del Palazzo Apostolico Vaticano (Rome, 1897); F. Saxl, ‘The Appartamento Borgia’, in F. Saxl, Lectures (London, 1957), I, 174–88; Morales Folguera, Las Sibilas en el arte de la edad moderna (above, n. 42), 176–7. On the Cumaean Sibyl and her Virgilian verses, Romani, Poesia pagana e arte cristiana (above, n. 42), 63, 65.

61 See, for example, A. Cavallaro, ‘La chiesa nel primo Rinascimento’, in A. Zuccari (ed.), La Spagna sul Gianicolo, I: San Pietro in Montorio (Rome, 2004), 19–55, at pp. 46–50 with fig. 23; B. Kuhn-Forte, Handbuch der Kirchen Roms (Vienna, 1997), 898–903; C.L. Frommel, Baldassare Peruzzi als Maler und Zeichner (Vienna/Munich, 1967–8), 46–50.

62 Cavallaro, ‘La chiesa nel primo Rinascimento’ (above, n. 61), 47–9.

63 See especially Morales Folguera, Las Sibilas en el arte de la edad moderna (above, n. 42), 177–9; Hirst, M., ‘The Chigi Chapel in S. Maria della Pace’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 24 (1961), 161–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at p. 169 with n. 43; Ettlinger, L.D., ‘A note on Raphael's Sibyls in S. Maria della Pace’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 24 (1961), 322–3CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Zabughin, Vergilio nel Rinascimento italiano (above, n. 2), II, 393–4; Bourne, ‘The messianic prophecy in Vergil's fourth Eclogue’ (above, n. 9), 397; Romani, Poesia pagana e arte cristiana (above, n. 42), 64; Comparetti, Vergil in the Middle Ages (above, n. 9), 103.

64 See, for example, Costa, La leggenda dei secoli d'oro (above, n. 9), 89–90 (‘Michelangelo … intendeva senza dubbio rendere omaggio a quella profezia virgiliana, fondata sulla Cumana, che Stazio esalta nella seconda cantica della Commedia dantesca [that is, Purgatorio 22.70–2], opera prediletta dal Buonarroti’, p. 90); Barolsky, Michelangelo's Nose (above, n. 2), 118–19. C. De Tolnay, Michelangelo, 2: the Sistine Ceiling (Princeton, 1949), 152, 155, connects Michelangelo's Delphic Sibyl with the fourth Eclogue.

65 Dotson, ‘An Augustinian interpretation of Michelangelo's Sistine ceiling’ (above, n. 44), 408 (quoted below, n. 66) and passim; M.J. Gill, Augustine in the Italian Renaissance. Art and Philosophy from Petrarch to Michelangelo (Cambridge, 2005), 172; Navarro, C. Belda, ‘Sibilas virgilianas en el Renacimiento español: la Sibila de Cumas de El Salvador de Ubeda (Jaén)’, Imafronte 1 (1985), 5–21 Google Scholar, at p. 8; Mâle, L'art religieux de la fin du Moyen Âge en France (above, n. 42), 278–80 (contra Romani, Poesia pagana e arte cristiana (above, n. 42), 61).

66 Dotson, ‘An Augustinian interpretation of Michelangelo's Sistine ceiling’ (above, n. 44), 408: Michelangelo ‘would have had to depend on a work like Barbieri's, or on the Orsini Palace decorations themselves — or perhaps on the most available of all the descendants of the Orsini scheme, the paired Prophets and Sibyls of the Borgia Apartments’.

67 Cf. Barolsky, Michelangelo's Nose (above, n. 2), 119: ‘Looking at Michelangelo's figure of Isaiah in proximity to the Cumaean Sibyl of the Sistine ceiling, we behold the relation between the classical and biblical prophecies’; also J.F.A. Sawyer, The Fifth Gospel: Isaiah in the History of Christianity (Cambridge, 1996), 48 with n. 20. Dotson, ‘An Augustinian interpretation of Michelangelo's Sistine ceiling’ (above, n. 44), 413, twins the Cumaean Sibyl with Ezekiel.

68 So P. De Vecchi, La Cappella Sistina: il restauro degli affreschi di Michelangelo (Milan, 1996), 118 (‘le otto vele delle pareti laterali presentano gruppi familiari con figure sedute o sdraiate sulla nuda terra, in attitudini che sembrano riprendere il tema della Fuga in Egitto’).

69 For recent interpretations of the Doni tondo, see R. Stefaniak, Mysterium Magnum: Michelangelo's Tondo Doni (Leiden, 2008); Franceschini, C., ‘The nudes in Limbo: Michelangelo's Doni Tondo reconsidered’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 73 (2010), 137–80Google Scholar.

70 Barolsky, Michelangelo's Nose (above, n. 2), 119, advances the same contention with reference to the putti elsewhere in Michelangelo's scheme for the ceiling, arguing that these ‘underscore the theme of spiritual rebirth through the ‘parve puer’ of whom the Cumaean Sibyl speaks’.

71 See especially de Clercq, C., ‘Quelques séries de Sibylles hors d'Italie’, Bulletin de l'Institut Historique Belge de Rome 51 (1981), 87–116 Google Scholar.

72 Morales Folguera, Las Sibilas en el arte de la edad moderna (above, n. 42), 106–9; Tilley, The Dawn of the French Renaissance (above, n. 49), 546–8; Mâle, L'art religieux de la fin du Moyen Âge en France (above, n. 42), 281.

73 F. Cox, Sibylline Sisters: Virgil's Presence in Contemporary Women's Writing (Oxford, 2011), 53–4.

74 See especially D. Gropp, Das Ulmer Chorgestühl und Jörg Syrlin der Ältere (Berlin, 1999), 93–6 (see also pp. 115–17 on ‘Virgil’); P.A. Condon, Jörg Syrlin's Ulm Choir Stalls in the Context of the Late Medieval Workshop (dissertation, University of Louisville, 1978); W. Vöge, Jörg Syrlin der Ältere und sein Bildwerke, 2 vols (Berlin, 1950), II, 82–98, with Tafel 44, 46, and tables opposite p. 168 (and II, 103–28 on ‘Virgil’); noted also by Mâle, L'art religieux de la fin du Moyen Âge en France (above, n. 42), 271 with n. 1; Tilley, The Dawn of the French Renaissance (above, n. 49), 546–7; Bourne, ‘The messianic prophecy in Vergil's fourth Eclogue’ (above, n. 9), 397.

75 See generally M. Groothedde, G.E. Hartman, M.R. Hermans, W.H. de Jonge, C.A.O. baron Schimmelpenninck van der Oije and C. Te Strake (eds), De Sint-Walburgiskerk in Zutphen. Momenten uit de Geschiedenis van een Middeleeuwse Kerk (Zutphen, 1999).

76 See L. Suttina, ‘L'effigie di Virgilio nella Cattedrale di Zamora’, Studi Medievali n.s. 5 (1932), 342–4; also Belda Navarro, ‘Sibilas virgilianas en el Renacimiento español’ (above, n. 65), 18–19 with p. 17 fig. 4; Wlosok, ‘Rollen Vergils in Mittelalter’ (above, n. 38), 258–9; Ziolkowski and Putnam (eds), The Virgilian Tradition (above, n. 1), 456; Bourne, ‘The messianic prophecy in Vergil's fourth Eclogue’ (above, n. 9), 396, citing Comparetti, Vergil in the Middle Ages (above, n. 9), 102–3.

77 See D.S. Wilson-Okamura, Virgil in the Renaissance (Cambridge, 2010), 15–18.

78 See generally A. Smits, ‘Zu den Zyklen mit Sibyllen und heidnischen Propheten von Ludger d. Ä. und Hermann tom Ring’, in A. Lorenz (ed.), Die Maler tom Ring, 2 vols (Münster, 1996), I, 77–87 (with II, 530–5); T. Riewerts and P. Pieper, Die Maler tom Ring: Ludger der Ältere, Hermann, Ludger der Jüngere (Munich, 1955), 15–16.

79 See Riewerts and Pieper, Die Maler tom Ring (above, n. 78), 63–4 with pl. 13; C.G. Leidl, ‘Der Seher Vergil: von Ludger tom Ring d. Ä. (1496–1547)’, in N. Holzberg and F. Maier (eds), Ut poesis pictura: Antike Texte in Bildern, 2 vols (Bamberg, 1993), II, 29–40; Lorenz (ed.), Die Maler tom Ring (above, n. 78), II, 250–1; P.J.A. Franssen (ed.), De Tovenaar Vergilius (Hilversum, 2010), 64, 66. For a similar Virgil by Ludger's son Hermann tom Ring, see Lorenz (ed.), Die Maler tom Ring (above, n. 78), II, 276–7 (also Riewerts and Pieper, Die Maler tom Ring (above, n. 78), 94 with pl. 78); in this case the text reads ‘Utuna Cumei [Climei, Riewerts / Pieper] venit iam hominis | ætas Magnus ab integro seclorum nascitur ordo’, a rather garbled version (but not an obviously conscious modification) of Eclogue 4.4–5.

80 The style of beard here is standard in the traditional iconography of Dante's Virgil: see, for example, P. Brieger, M. Meiss and C.S. Singleton, Illuminated Manuscripts of the Divine Comedy, 2 vols (Princeton, 1969); H.-T. Schulze Altcappenberg, Sandro Botticelli: the Drawings for Dante's Divine Comedy (London, 2000).

81 See Farinella, Virgilio (above, n. 1), 30–1; Ziolkowski and Putnam (eds), The Virgilian Tradition (above, n. 1), 447; W. Liebenwein, ‘Princeps Poetarum: die mittelalterlichen Vergil-Bilder in Mantua’, in V. Pöschl (ed.), 2000 Jahre Vergil: ein Symposion (Wiesbaden, 1983), 109–51. Also relevant here may be Augustine's words at City of God 1.3, ‘poeta magnus omniumque praeclarissimus atque optimus’ (‘[Virgil] the great poet, the most exceedingly glorious and best of all’; see Leidl, ‘Der Seher Vergil’ (above, n. 79), 31 n. 5).

82 See Vöge, Jörg Syrlin der Ältere und sein Bildwerke (above, n. 74), II, 109–10 with fig. 44; II, 169–70, and Tabelle I.2–3, III.2; Leidl, ‘Der Seher Vergil’ (above, n. 79), 37 with nn. 33–5; Wlosok, ‘Rollen Vergils in Mittelalter’ (above, n. 38), 263–6. The relevant passage in the Vienna Spruchzyklus also features the words ‘Excellentissimus poetarum virgilius nobilis Romanorum’, which offers a more immediate source for Ludger's ‘Virgilius poetarum excellentissimus’.

83 For analysis, see Leidl, ‘Der Seher Vergil’ (above, n. 79), 39–40. Similar modifications were effected to the Virgilian line in neo-Latin poetry on Christian subjects: see, for example, Paul Cherler, Eclogue 5.5, ‘magnus ab integro sanctorum nascitur ordo’, in P. Cherler, S. Eclogae X. De Iesu Christo, Dei Patris et Virg. Mariae Filio: θεανθρώπῳ: editae in eius S. Natalem, anno Salutis 1583 (Basel, 1583), 48.

84 For discussion, see W. Feinstein, The Civilization of the Holocaust in Italy: Poets, Artists, Saints, Anti-Semites (Cranbury/London/Mississauga, 2003), 22.

85 On the traditions of Virgilian illustration, see especially W. Suerbaum, Handbuch der Illustrierten Vergil-Ausgaben, 1502–1840 (Hildesheim, 2008); Wlosok, A., ‘Illustrated Vergil manuscripts: reception and exegesis’, Classical Journal 93 (1998), 355–82Google Scholar; M. Buonocore (ed.), Vedere i classici: l'illustrazione libraria dei testi antichi dall'età romana al tardo medioevo (Rome, 1996), index s.v. ‘Virgilio’; B. Pasquier, Virgile illustré de la renaissance à nos jours en France et en Italie (Paris, 1992); P. Courcelle, Lecteurs païens et lecteurs chrétiens de l’Enéide, vol. 2 (Paris, 1989); McKay, A.G., ‘Book illustrations of Vergil's Aeneid ad 400–1980’, Augustan Age 6 (1987), 227–37Google Scholar.

86 The numerous studies of the illustrations to Brant's Virgil include Suerbaum, Handbuch der Illustrierten Vergil-Ausgaben (above, n. 85), 131–57; Anzelewsky, F., ‘Zu den Illustrationen der ‘Opera’ Vergils von 1502’, Wolfenbütteler Beiträge 8 (1988), 21–9Google Scholar; A. Patterson, Pastoral and Ideology: Virgil to Valéry (Berkeley/Los Angeles, 1987), 92–106; Schneider, B., ‘‘Virgilius pictus’ — Sebastian Brants illustrierte Vergilausgabe und ihre Nachwirkung: ein Beitrag zur Vergilrezeption im deutschen Humanismus’, Wolfenbütteler Beiträge 6 (1983), 202–62Google Scholar; M. Gorrichon, ‘Sebastien Brant et l'illustration des œuvres de Virgile d'après l’édition strasbourgeoise de 1502’, in P. Tuynman, G.C. Kuiper and E. Kessler (eds), Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Amstelodamensis: Proceedings of the Second International Congress of Neo-Latin Studies, Amsterdam, 19–24 August 1973 (Munich, 1979), 440–52; Rabb, T.K., ‘Sebastian Brant and the first illustrated edition of Vergil’, Princeton University Library Chronicle 21 (1960), 187–99CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Zabughin, Vergilio nel Rinascimento italiano (above, n. 2), II, 389–91, 436–7. On the woodcut for the fourth Eclogue, see especially E.W. Leach, ‘Illustration as interpretation in Brant's and Dryden's editions of Vergil’, in S. Hindman (ed.), The Early Illustrated Book: Essays in Honor of Lessing J. Rosenwald (Washington (DC), 1982), 175–210, at pp. 185–6; R. Mortimer, ‘Vergil in the light of the sixteenth century: selected illustrations’, in J.D. Bernard (ed.), Vergil at 2000: Commemorative Essays on the Poet and His Influence (New York, 1986), 159–84, at pp. 160–1.

87 Cf. Zabughin, Vergilio nel Rinascimento italiano (above, n. 2), II, 390 (‘notiamo, Ecl. IV, la mancanza della Sibilla; l'interpretazione è serviana, senz’ accenni alla profezia di Cristo: Vergilio, Pollione, Salonino nella culla’); Patterson, Pastoral and Ideology (above, n. 86), 104; Leach, ‘Illustration as interpretation in Brant's and Dryden's editions of Vergil’ (above, n. 86), 186; Mortimer, ‘Vergil in the light of the sixteenth century’ (above, n. 86), 160 notes the coherence with the critical apparatus.

88 On de Passe's Virgilian prints, see I.M. Veldman, Profit and Pleasure: Print Books by Crispijn de Passe (Rotterdam, 2001), 85–98, 385–96; Veldman, I.M., ‘Een prentenserie van de Aeneis door Crispijn de Passe de Oude (1612)’, Hermeneus 54 (1982), 304–13Google Scholar.

89 Fagiolo (ed.), Virgilio nell'arte e nella cultura europea (above, n. 1), 89 with fig. 12 (‘Al posto d'onore è la profezia della IV Ecloga, con la nascita del fanciullo assimilata anche iconograficamente alla natività di Cristo’); Veldman, Profit and Pleasure (above, n. 88), 87. The closest parallel I have been able to find to the Virgin's posture here in engravings of the Nativity prior to 1612 is a print by Jan Sadeler I after Marcus Gheeraerts I, entitled Natalis Christi: F.W.H. Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish Etchings, Engravings and Woodcuts, c. 1450–1700, vol. 21 (Amsterdam, 1980), 103 no. 141. Below the image are two Latin couplets, the first of which reads ‘Vera Dei soboles [cf. Virg. Ecl. 4.49, repeatedly echoed in this form in Vida's Christiad: see 2.168, 2.893, 4.142, 5.213] CHRI[S]TVS mortalia membra | Induit, e Maria virgine natus homo’ (‘The true offspring of God, Christ puts on mortal form, born as a man from the virgin Mary’).

90 We may be reminded here of Sannazaro's use of the fourth Eclogue in his De partu virginis (see above, p. 190).

91 For reproductions, see B. Pasquier, Une édition illustrée de Virgile (1663) (Tours, 1981). Discussion in Leach, ‘Illustration as interpretation in Brant's and Dryden's editions of Vergil’ (above, n. 86); Patterson, Pastoral and Ideology (above, n. 86), 104 (Brant's illustrations known to Cleyn; also p. 182), 169–92; K. Eastin, ‘The Æneas of Vergil: a dramatic performance presented in the original Latin by John Ogilby’, in Farrell and Putnam (eds), A Companion to Vergil's Aeneid (above, n. 5), 290–310.

92 Leach, ‘Illustration as interpretation in Brant's and Dryden's editions of Vergil’ (above, n. 86), 187, however, describes Cleyn's Virgil as ‘complete with the magic wand of medieval necromancy’.

93 Possibly some depiction of Orpheus taming the animals with his music? Woodcuts of this subject, such as those by Raphael Regius and Virgil Solis for Ovid's Metamorphoses, frequently depict foxes and rabbits/hares, but the domestic dog and hen do not tend to feature among the beasts tamed by Orpheus (an exception is Sebastian Vrancx's painting of c. 1595 in the Galleria Borghese, Rome, with rabbits, dogs, hens and fox).

94 Leach, ‘Illustration as interpretation in Brant's and Dryden's editions of Vergil’ (above, n. 86), 187, remarks that ‘[t]he family group … is at once both Pollio's family and the parents of Jesus entering the temple’; she also notes (p. 186 with p. 209 n. 36) that the 1544 edition of Brant includes the couplet ‘Quarta Sibyllini repetens oracula cantus | Atque Genethliacon modulans collaudat Iesum’ (‘The fourth [Eclogue], recalling the oracles of Sibylline song and performing a birthday-poem, extols Jesus’).

95 See C. Kallendorf, ‘The Aeneid transformed: illustration as interpretation from the Renaissance to the present’, in S. Spence (ed.), Poets and Critics Read Vergil (New Haven, 2001), 121–48 (reprinted in C. Kallendorf, The Virgilian Tradition. Book History and the History of Reading in Early Modern Europe (Aldershot/Burlington, 2007), chapter VII); Leach, ‘Illustration as interpretation in Brant's and Dryden's editions of Vergil’ (above, n. 86).

96 Text based on R.A.B. Mynors (ed.), P. Vergili Maronis opera (Oxford, 1969), 9–11. In view of the chronological range covered by the article, a modern text has been printed here (despite the entirely justified strictures of Wilson-Okamura, Virgil in the Renaissance (above, n. 77), 4–5), rather than any with which the artists and patrons of the works discussed here might have been familiar. The translation, as elsewhere, is my own.