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The Emergence of the Romanian National School of Composition in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century: Between the Western Canon and the Resources of the Local Music

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  14 April 2023

Theodor Constantiniu*
Affiliation:
Romanian Academy Folk Music Archive, Cluj-Napoca, Romania

Abstract

This article aims to explain the rise of Western art forms in the musical creation of the Romanian Principalities in the first half of the nineteenth century, as dictated by a particular European political and economic dynamic. I analyse the spread of Western music – usually described as a consequence of the gradual modernization of Romanian society – in terms of the power relations between the European core and a newly integrated periphery at the Eastern border of the continent. To illustrate this change, I discuss Edward Said's concept of orientalism which helps describe the early interactions between Western musicians and professionals and the local music traditions and customs. I then show how these interactions gave the former access to a distinctive musical material used in compositions targeting an expanding European music market. In an age of national struggle in the Romanian Principalities, national music was both a concept and a practice in demand by the local intelligentsia and fostered by composers. However, in addition to this agreement, the concept of national music signalled some significant societal changes that I elucidate by looking at class stratification and the evolution of musical taste. In the final part of the analysis, I draw on dependency theory authors such as Samir Amin and Daniel Chirot to argue that musical life in the first half of the nineteenth century in Wallachia and Moldavia was closely mirroring the economic development of these countries. Thus, I demonstrate that the emergence of the Romanian school of composition must be understood not only at a national level but also within a broader political, economic and social context, defined by the gradual transition to capitalist modes of production and consumption that happened in the first decades of the nineteenth century.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2023. Published by Cambridge University Press

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References

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53 One of the most critical divisions was among the ruling class, between the high and the petty nobility. The antagonisms between the two developed throughout the first half of the nineteenth century and culminated with the 1821 uprising of Tudor Vladimirescu and the 1848 revolution. For Paul Cornea, this divide resulted from increased economic activity and an extension of market relations, all of which translated as a competition for economic and political power; see Cornea, Paul, Originile romantismului românesc (Bucharest: Minerva, 1972): 198Google Scholar.

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59 Cornea, Originile romantismului românesc, 43, 415. Cornea describes this middle class as a social stratum composed of wielders of commercial and usurious capital that conformed itself with the seldom relations and the feudal hierarchy, unwilling to gain power on its own. Towards the middle of the century, a proper bourgeois class started to define itself, favoured by the intensification of exchange and money circulation, but it is still weak and divided and dependent on commercial capital rather than other more advanced forms of economic activity such as the manufacture.

60 Hitchins, Românii, 1774–1866, 87. See also Constanța Vintilă-Ghițulescu, Evgheniți, ciocoi, mojici: Despre obrazele primei modernități românești, 1750–1860 (Bucharest: Humanitas, 2015): 48.

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64 Gheorghiță, Byzantine Chant, 54.

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76 The prices asked for music lessons were prohibitive for most of the population: a piano teacher from Vienna received 3 galbeni (a foreign golden coin) a month for his services; see Iacob, Dan Dumitru, ‘Elita socială și viața muzicală din Iași și București în prima jumătate a secolului al XIX-lea’, Historia Urbana 20 (2012): 102Google Scholar.

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78 To a certain extent, this division along matters of taste resulted from the division among the ruling class. The old boyar families who dominated political life were deemed to be conservative and reluctant to change by a petty nobility that regarded itself as modern and progressive (but which, as Paul Cornea demonstrates, only wanted a broader redistribution of power that could strengthen its positions and allow it access to higher ranks in the state administration); see Cornea, Originile romantismului românesc, 198.

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82 Dan Dumitru Iacob suggests that the endorsement of Western music by the Romanian nobility was simultaneous with the latter's gradual social dissolution (the boyars lost their privileges in 1859). This process was not translated necessarily into its exclusion from the dominant political positions, but rather it impacted its image and identity as the traditional (cultural) elite; see Iacob, ‘Elita socială’, 114. This argument is similar to Tia DeNora's claim in her Beethoven and the Construction of Genius that the support of the Viennese aristocracy for Beethoven's music (and hence his success) was also a strategy for social distinction in a time when aristocracy's reputation as a cultural arbiter was challenged by the claims and tastes of a strong bourgeoisie.

83 Preda-Schimek, ‘Modelling the Public's Taste’, 413. The author demonstrates this idea with a citation from the Romantic poet and folklorist Vasile Alecsandri.

84 Preda-Schimek, ‘Modelling the Public's Taste’, 412.

85 Romanian ethnomusicologist Gheorghe Ciobanu argues that the fashionable Western music was advocated by the young and cosmopolitan boyars, while the worldly songs were suited to the popular taste of the lower/middle classes; see Gheorghe Ciobanu, Anton Pann: Cântece de lume (Bucharest: Editura Muzicală, 1955): 29–30. A similar fate was shared by the poetry of these songs. Paul Cornea noticed that this genre fell out of fashion among the boyars, but was still enjoyed by large segments of poorly educated audiences; see Cornea, Originile romantismului românesc, 520.

86 Cornea, Originile romantismului românesc, 415.

87 In one of his books, British author and journalist William Beatty-Kingston mentioned that the music of the lăutari was taken up by the elite as a way of saving it from disappearance. One example cited by Beatty-Kingston was hearing queen Carmen Sylva and Zoe Rosetti (a member of an aristocratic family) performing several popular pieces arranged for voice and piano. Constantin Ardeleanu, ‘A British Journalist on Modern Romanian Music’, Musicology Today: Journal of the National University of Music Bucharest 10/3 (no. 39) (2019): 214.

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