Hostname: page-component-848d4c4894-2xdlg Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-06-28T04:09:05.714Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The Politics of Biblical Interpretation: A ‘Criticism of Criticism’

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 January 2024

Jeffrey L. Morrow*
Affiliation:
Seton Hall University

Abstract

Following Joseph Ratzinger's call for a ‘criticism of criticism’, this article situates the history of modern biblical criticism in its political context within the centuries long church state conflict. Beginning with Medieval Muslim polemical literature, this article traces through history the politically and theologically motivated philological analyses and hostility toward spiritual exegesis which formed the foundation upon which eighteenth and nineteenth century biblical criticism built. Rather than the result of some objective scientific enterprise, the methods modern Bible scholars employed often served state politics as well as other prior commitments.

Type
Original Articles
Copyright
Copyright © The author 2010. Journal compilation © The Dominican Council.

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Schriftauslegung im Widerstreit (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1989), pp. 1544Google Scholar, quotation from p. 22. Unless otherwise mentioned, all English translations in this paper are my own.

2 See also Waldstein, Michael, ‘The Foundations of Bultmann's Work’, Communio 2 (1987), pp. 115145Google Scholar.

3 Novick, Peter, That Noble Dream: The ‘Objectivity Question’ and the American Historical Profession (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), p. 7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 Schweitzer, Albert, Von Reimarus zu Wrede. Eine Geschichte der Leben Jesu forschung (Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1906), p. 4Google Scholar.

5 Lazarus-Yafeh, Hava, Intertwined Worlds: Medieval Islam and Bible Criticism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), pp. xiCrossRefGoogle Scholar, 18, 28, 30, 42 n. 62, 45, 50, 59, and 63.

6 English translation in Lazarus-Yafeh, Hava, ‘Some Neglected Aspects of Medieval Polemics against Christianity’, Harvard Theological Review 89, no. 1 (1996), p. 61CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7 On Ibn Ḥazm's conflict with Judaism and with Ibn Nagrela, see Ljamai, Abdelilah, Ibnazm et la polémique islamo-chrétienne dans l’histoire de l’islam (Leiden: Brill, 2003), pp. 30, 32–33, 40, and 40 n. 193CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Pulcini, Theodore, Exegesis as Polemical Discourse: Ibnazm on Jewish and Christian Scriptures (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1998), pp. 27, 129–131, and 145Google Scholar.

8 English translation, with modified transliteration, from Adang, Camilla, Muslim writers on Judaism and the Hebrew Bible: from Ibn Rabban to Ibnazm (Leiden: Brill, 1996), p. 67CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

9 R. Freedman, David, ‘The Father of Modern Biblical Scholarship’, Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society 19 (1989), pp. 33Google Scholar.

10 Adang, Camilla, ‘Schriftvervalsing als thema in de islamitische polemiek tegen het jodendom’, Ter Herkenning 16, no. 3 (September 1988), p. 199Google Scholar.

11 Arnaldez, Roger, Grammaire et théologie chez Ibnazm de Cordoue: Essai sur la structure et les conditions de la pensée musulmane (Paris: Librairie Philosophique J. Vrin, 1956), e.g., pp. 49 n. 1, 72–73, 309, and 319.Google Scholar

12 Ljamai, Ibnazm et la polémique islamo-chrétienne, pp. 145–196; Lazarus-Yafeh, ‘Some Neglected Aspects of Medieval Polemics’, pp. 61–84; Lazarus-Yafeh, Intertwined Worlds, pp. xi, 10, 44–46, 63–64, 68–69, 71–74, 136, and 140–141; and Laila, Muhammad Abu, ‘Ibn Ḥazm's Influence on Christian Thinking in Research’, Islamic Quarterly 31 (1987), pp. 103115Google Scholar.

13 Milbank, John, Theology and Social Theory: Beyond Secular Reason, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Blackwell, 2006 [1990]), pp. 1720CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

14 Milbank, Theology and Social Theory, p. 20.

15 Miethke, Jürgen, ‘Der Kampf Ludwigs des Bayern mit Papst und avignonesischer Kurie in seiner Bedeutung für die deutsche Geschichte’, in Kaiser Ludwig der Bayer. Konflikte, Weichenstellungen und Wahrnehmung seiner Herrschaft, ed. Nehlsen, Hermann and Hermann, Hans-Georg (Paderborn: Schöningh, 2002), pp. 3974Google Scholar; and Nehlsen, Hermann, ‘Die Rolle Ludwigs des Bayern und seiner Berater Marsilius von Padua und Wilhelm von Ockham im Tiroler Ehekonflikt’, in Kaiser Ludwig der Bayer, ed. Nehlsen, and Hermann, , pp. 285328Google Scholar.

16 A.J. Minnis, ‘Material Swords and Literal Lights: The Status of Allegory in William of Ockham's Breviloquium on Papal Power’, in With Reverence for the Word: Medieval Scriptural Exegesis in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, ed. McAuliffe, Jane Dammen, Walfish, Barry D., and Goering, Joseph W. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), pp. 292308CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

17 JohnGeerken, H., ‘Machiavelli's Moses and Renaissance Politics’, Journal of the History of Ideas 60, no. 4 (1999), pp. 579595CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Marx, Steven, ‘Moses and Machiavellism’, Journal of the American Academy of Religion 65, no. 3 (1997), pp. 551571CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

18 Frampton, Travis L., Spinoza and the Rise of Historical Criticism of the Bible (New York: T & T Clark, 2006), p. 13Google Scholar.

19 Cavanaugh, William T., ‘“A Fire Strong Enough to Consume the House”: The Wars of Religion and the Rise of the State’, Modern Theology 11, no. 4 (October 1995), pp. 400401CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

20 Parente, Fausto, ‘Isaac de La Peyrère e Richard Simon. Osservazioni preliminari ad uno studio del ms. Chantilly, Musée de Consé, n. 191 (698)’, in La Geografia dei saperi. Scritti in memoria di Dino Pastine, ed. Ferraro, D. and Gigliotti, G. (Florence: Casa editrice Le Lettere, 2000), pp. 161182Google Scholar; and Popkin, Richard H., Isaac La Peyrère (1596–1676): His Life, Work and Influence (Leiden: Brill, 1987), pp. 2CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 5–6, 12–13, 45, 72, 80–81, 180 n. 50, 182 n. 76, 194–195 n. 2–44, and 199 n. 20.

21 Levenson, Jon D., ‘The Eighth Principle of Judaism and the Literary Simultaneity of Scripture’, Journal of Religion 68, no. 2 (1988), pp. 205225CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

22 Popkin, Isaac La Peyrère, pp. 50 and 71–74.

23 Popkin, R.H., ‘Millenarianism and Nationalism—A Case Study: Isaac La Peyrère’, in Millenarianism and Messianism in Early Modern European Culture: Continental Millenarians: Protestants, Catholics, Heretics, ed. Laursen, John Christian and Popkin, Richard H. (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic, 2001), pp. 7882Google Scholar; and Åkerman, Susanna, Queen Christina of Sweden and Her Circle: The Transformation of a Seventeenth-Century Philosophical Libertine (Leiden: Brill, 1991), pp. 11, 32, 186, 202–204; and 213–215CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

24 Hobbes, Thomas, Leviathan (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998 [1651]), II.9Google Scholar.

25 Hobbes, Leviathan, III.33 and III.38; Jeffrey L. Morrow, ‘Leviathan and the Swallowing of Scripture: The Politics behind Thomas Hobbes's Early Modern Political Biblical Criticism’, Christianity & Literature (forthcoming); Malherbe, Michel, ‘Hobbes et la Bible’, in Le Grand Siècle et la Bible, ed. Armogathe, Jean-Robert (Paris: Beauchesne, 1989), pp. 691699Google Scholar; and Pacchi, Arrigo, ‘Hobbes and Biblical Philology in the Service of the State’, Topoi 7 (1988), pp. 231239CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

26 For more detailed analyses placing Spinoza's biblical criticism in its political and historical context, see Jeffrey L. Morrow, ‘The Early Modern Political Context to Spinoza's Bible Criticism’, Scottish Journal of Theology (forthcoming); J. Preus, Samuel, Spinoza and the Irrelevance of Biblical Authority (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Jacqueline Lagrée and Pierre-François Moreau, ‘La lecture de la Bible dans le cercle de Spinoza’, in Grand Siècle, ed. Armogathe, pp. 97–115.

27 Freedman, ‘Father of Modern Biblical Scholarship’, pp. 31–38. Freedman isolates twenty arguments Spinoza employs to make his methodological case for modern biblical criticism. Fourteen of these arguments, a full two thirds, Freedman traces back to sixteen pages of Ibn Ḥazm's 1050 page Al-Faṣl. On how Spinoza's work relies upon medieval Muslim scholarship see Guerrero, Ramón, ‘Filósofos hispano-musulmanes y Spinoza: Avemplace y Aben-tofail’, in Actas del Congreso Internacional sobre ‘Relaciones entre Spinoza y España’ (Alamgro, 5–7 noviembre 1992), ed. Domínguez, Atilano (Murcia: Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, 1994), pp. 125132Google Scholar; and Arnaldez, Roger, ‘Spinoza et la pensée arabe’, Revue de synthèse Paris 8991 (1978), pp. 151174Google Scholar.

28 Of course, it is difficult to know the exact reasons for his ban, but Vlessing indicates that it was as much a family feud as a theological debate. See Vlessing, Odette, ‘The Excommunication of Baruch Spinoza: A Conflict Between Jewish and Dutch Law’, Studia Spinozana 13 (1997), pp. 1547Google Scholar.

29 See the 7th chapter of Spinoza's Tractatus Theologico-politicus in the 3rd volume of Gebhardt, Carl, ed., Spinoza Opera, 4 vols. (Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1925)Google Scholar.

30 Dungan, David Laird, A History of the Synoptic Problem: The Canon, the Text, the Composition, and the Interpretation of the Gospels (New York: Doubleday, 1999), p. 172Google Scholar.

31 Nichols, Francis W., ‘Richard Simon: Faith and Modernity’, in Christianity and the Stranger: Historical Essays, ed. Nichols, Francis W. (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1995), pp. 115168Google Scholar; John D. Woodbridge, ‘Richard Simon le «père de la critique biblique»’, in Grand Siècle, ed. Armogathe, pp. 193–206; and Hazard, Paul, La Crise de la conscience européenne (1680–1715), vol. 3 (Paris: Boivin, 1935), pp. 125136Google Scholar. On Simon's biblical criticism, see Müller, Sascha, Kritik und Theologie: christliche Glaubens-und Schrifthermeneutik nach Richard Simon (1638–1712) (St. Ottilien: EOS, 2004)Google Scholar.

32 Champion, Justin A.I., ‘Père Richard Simon and English Biblical Criticism, 1680–1700’, in Everything Connects: In Conference with Richard H. Popkin: Essays in His Honor, ed. Force, James E. and Katz, David S. (Leiden: Brill, 1999), pp. 3961Google Scholar.

33 Sheehan, Jonathan, The Enlightenment Bible: Translation, Scholarship, Culture (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005), pp. xii, xiv, and 89.Google Scholar

34 John Woodbridge, ‘German Responses to the Biblical Critic Richard Simon: From Leibniz to Semler, J.S.’, in Historische Kritik und biblischer Kanon in der deutschen Aufklärung, ed. Reventlow, Henning Graf, Sparn, Walter, and Woodbridge, John (Wiesbaden: Harrossowtiz, 1988), pp. 6587Google Scholar.

35 Sheehan, Enlightenment Bible, p. 126.

36 Legaspi, Michael Chris, ‘Reviving the Dead Letter: Johann David Michaelis and the Quest for Hebrew Antiquity’, (Ph.D. Diss., Harvard University, 2006).Google Scholar

37 Sheehan, Enlightenment Bible, p. 213. See also the comments in Horkheimer, Max and Adorno, Theodor W., Dialektik der Aufklärung (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 1969 [1944]), pp. 370 n. 42, 372–373 n. 46 and 376 n. 77Google Scholar; and 378 n. 97.

38 Legaspi, ‘Reviving the Dead Letter’, pp. 18, 30–31, 38–40, and 51.

39 Vick, Brian, ‘Greek Origins and Organic Metaphors: Ideals of Cultural Autonomy in Neo-Humanist Germany from Winckelmann to Curtius’, Journal of the History of Ideas 63, no. 3 (2002), pp. 483500CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

40 D’Costa, Gavin, Theology in the Public Square: Church, Academy and Nation (Oxford: Blackwell, 2005), pp. 820CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

41 Smend, Rudolf, From Astruc to Zimmerli (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2007), pp. 5051Google Scholar.

42 Sheehan, Enlightenment Bible, pp. 230, 234–236 and 238–239.

43 Masuzawa, Tomoko, The Invention of World Religions: Or, How European Universalism Was Preserved in the Language of Pluralism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005), pp. xii–xiii, 24–26 and 145, 147, 149, 152 and 179–206CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

44 Sheehan, Enlightenment Bible, p. 213; and Momigliano, Arnaldo, ‘Religious History without Frontiers: J. Wellhausen, U. Wilamowitz, and E. Schwartz’, History and Theory 21 (1982), pp. 4964Google Scholar.

45 Sheehan, Enlightenment Bible, p. 233.

46 Duffy, Eamon, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England c. 1400 – c. 1580 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005 [1992]), pp. 383385, 397, 402–403, and 462CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

47 The Oxford English Dictionary Vol. XIV: Rob-Sequyle, 2nd ed., prepared by Simpson, J.A. and Weiner, E.S.C. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), p. 849Google Scholar.

48 Gillespie, Michael Allen, The Theological Origins of Modernity (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

49 Masuzawa, Invention of World Religions, pp. xii–xiii, 24–26 and 145–206.

50 Smend, From Astruc to Zimmerli, pp. 91–102.

51 Wayne A. Meeks, ‘A Nazi New Testament Professor Reads the Bible: The Strange Case of Gerhard Kittel’, in The Idea of Biblical Interpretation: Essays in Honor of James L. Kugel, ed. H. Najman and J.H. Newman (Leiden: Brill, 2004), pp. 513–544; and Arnold, Bill T. and Weisberg, David B., ‘A Centennial Review of Friedrich Delitzsch's “Babel und Bibel” Lectures’, Journal of Biblical Literature 121, no. 3 (2002), pp. 441457CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

52 Weinfeld, Moshe, Normative and Sectarian Judaism in the Second Temple Period (London: T. & T. Clark, 2005), pp. 286290Google Scholar; and Smend, Rudolf, ‘Wellhausen und das Judentum’, Zeitschrift für Theologie und Kirche 79, no. 3 (1982), pp. 249282Google Scholar.

53 Hauerwas, Stanley, The State of the University: Academic Knowledges and the Knowledge of God (Oxford: Blackwell, 2007), p. 73 n. 46CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

54 Cavanaugh, William T., ‘Killing for the Telephone Company: Why the Nation-State is Not the Keeper of the Common Good’, Modern Theology 20, no. 2 (2004), pp. 243274CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Cavanaugh, ‘Fire Strong Enough to Consume the House’, pp. 397–420.

55 E.g., Gross, Michael B., The War Against Catholicism: Liberalism and the Anti-Catholic Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Germany (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2004), pp. 240291CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

56 Costigan, Richard F. S.J., ‘State Appointment of Bishops’, Journal of Church and State 8, no. 1 (1966), pp. 8296CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

57 Portier, William L., ‘Church Unity and National Traditions: The Challenge to the Modern Papacy, 1682–1870’, in The Papacy and the Church in the United States, ed. Cooke, Bernard, pp. 2554 (New York: Paulist Press, 1989), pp. 2737Google Scholar.

58 Schatz, Klaus, Der päpstliche Primat: seine Geschichte von den Ursprüngen bis zur Gegenwart (Würzburg: Echter, 1990), pp. 174187Google Scholar; and Portier, ‘Church Unity and National Traditions’, pp. 27–37.

59 Duffy, Eamon, Saints & Sinners: A History of the Popes, 3rd ed. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006 [1997]), pp. 260318Google Scholar; all the essays in Arx, Jeffrey von S.J., ed., Varieties of Ultramontanism (Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1998)Google Scholar; and Portier, ‘Church Unity and National Traditions’, pp. 27–37.

60 Portier, William L., Divided Friends: Portraits of the Roman Catholic Modernist Crisis in the United States (New York: Paulist Press, forthcoming), chapters 1–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar; all of the essays in Jodock, Darrell, ed., Catholicism Contending with Modernity: Roman Catholic Modernism and Anti-Modernism in Historical Context (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Komonchak, Joseph A., ‘The Enlightenment and the Construction of Roman Catholicism’, Annual of the Catholic Commission on Intellectual and Cultural Affairs (1985), pp. 3159Google Scholar; and Hennesey, James S.J., ‘Leo XIII's Thomistic Revival: A Political and Philosophical Event’, in Celebrating the Medieval Heritage: A Colloquy on the Thought of Aquinas and Bonaventure, ed. Tracy, David (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978), pp. 185197Google Scholar.

61 Cavanaugh, ‘Fire Strong Enough to Consume the House’, pp. 400–401.

62 Jeffrey L. Morrow, ‘The Bible in Captivity: Hobbes, Spinoza and the Politics of Defining Religion’, Pro Ecclesia (forthcoming).

63 Levenson, Jon D., The Hebrew Bible, the Old Testament, and Historical Criticism: Jews and Christians in Biblical Studies (Louisville: Westminster/John Knox, 1993), p. 125Google Scholar.

64 I am indebted to Maria Morrow and Biff Rocha for their comments on drafts of this paper, to William Portier for providing me a copy of his book prior to publication, and to Scott Hahn and Benjamin Wiker, whose unpublished 700 page manuscript on politics and the history of modern biblical criticism helped me especially with Marsilius, Ockham, Machiavelli and Locke.