Hostname: page-component-848d4c4894-hfldf Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-05-13T15:20:34.313Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Pashtun homelands in an Indo-Afghan hagiographical collection

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 October 2022

Mikhail Pelevin Open the ORCID record for Mikhail Pelevin [Opens in a new window]
Mikhail Pelevin*
Affiliation:
Department of Iranian Philology, Faculty of Asian and African Studies, St Petersburg State University, St Petersburg, Russian Federation
*
Email: m.pelevin@spbu.ru
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

The article explores the ethnocultural aspects and ideological implications of a hagiographical collection from the Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī wa Makhzan-i Afghānī (1613), a book on the general history of the Pashtuns compiled in the Indo-Afghan diaspora. This article primarily focuses on the stories that either presumably originate from or directly relate in content to Pashtun tribal areas to the west of the Indus. Being foremost a supplement to the Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī’s genealogical section, the hagiographical anthology was included in this book to highlight and illustrate the idea of the Pashtuns’ continuous adherence to Islam throughout many centuries. However, its narratives suggest that Islamic traditions in the Pashtuns’ collective memory can be traced back as far as the turn of the thirteenth century. While the genealogies maintained the principle of patrilineal descent as the basic attribute of Pashtun identity, the hagiographies affirmed the profession of Islamic faith as another integral component of this identity and also brought to light its linguistic criterion. One of the article’s sections offers a survey of the cases where the Pashto language as well as Pashto lexemes and phrases are mentioned in the Persian text of the hagiographies. The article also attempts to locate the Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī’s hagiographical collection among similar works in Indo-Persian literature; it also considers such still-understudied issues as the emergence of spiritual lineages in Pashtun tribes and the entwining of folklore and conventional Islamic elements in the stories about Pashtun religious leaders.

Keywords

Pashto hagiographiesPashtun identitytribal spiritual lineagesIndo-Afghan diasporaTārīkh-i Khānjahānī
Type
Research Article
Information
Modern Asian Studies , Volume 57 , Issue 2 , March 2023 , pp. 435 - 457
Check for updates
Copyright
© The Author(s), 2022. Published by Cambridge University Press.

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 On the significance of this authoritative source of documented genealogies for Pashtun rulers of Rohilkhand who sought to preserve their ethnic identity and reclaim their Pashtun tribal legacies in the second half of the eighteenth century, see Gommans, Jos J. L., The Rise of the Indo-Afghan Empire c. 1710–1780 (Leiden; New York; Köln: E. J. Brill, 1995), pp. Google Scholar; see also Gommans, Jos J. L., ‘Afghāns in India’, in Encyclopaedia of Islam 3, (eds) Fleet, K., Krämer, G., Matringe, D., Nawas, J. and Rowson, E., 2007Google Scholar, available at https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/encyclopaedia-of-islam-3/afghans-in-india-COM_0013, [accessed 22 September 2022]. Nichols, Robert, Settling the Frontier. Land, Law, and Society in the Peshawar Valley, 1500–1900 (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2001), pp. 25–47Google Scholar, and Nichols, Robert, ‘Reclaiming the Past: The Tawarikh-i Hafiz Rahmat Khani and Pashtun Historiography’, in Afghan History through Afghan Eyes, (ed.) Green, N. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), pp. Google Scholar. The basic attributes of Pashtun identity are described in Barth, Fredrik, ‘Pathan Identity and its Maintenance’, in Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Cultural Difference, (ed.) Barth, F. (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1969), pp. .Google Scholar

2 For a comprehensive study of the social realities underlying the stories from Niʿmatallāh’s hagiographical collection, see Green, Nile, ‘Blessed Men and Tribal Politics: Notes on Political Culture in the Indo-Afghan World’, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 49, no. 3 (2006), pp. CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Green, Nile, ‘Tribe, Diaspora, and Sainthood in Afghan History’, The Journal of Asian Studies 67, no. 1 (2008), pp. CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3 The critical edition of the book’s extended version is Niʿmatallāh Ibn Ḥabīballāh al-Harawī, Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī wa Makhzan-i Afghānī, Vols 1–2, (ed.) S. M. Imāmuddīn (Dacca: Asiatic Society of Pakistan, 1960–62). The English translation of the Makhzan-i Afghānī is by Bernhard Dorn, History of the Afghans: Translated from the Persian of Neamet Ullah, parts 1–2 (London: The Oriental Translation Fund of Great Britain and Ireland, 1836). Valuable notes on the interconnection between the book’s two versions and a selected English translation from the Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī are found in Henry M. Elliot and John Dowson, The History of India, as Told by its Own Historians. The Muhammadan Period, Vol. V (London: Trübner and Co., 1873), pp. 67–115. The Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī’s place in Indo-Persian historiography is briefly evaluated in Stephen F. Dale, ‘Indo-Persian Historiography’, in Persian Historiography, (ed.) Ch. Melville, Vol. X of A History of Persian Literature, (general ed.) E. Yarshater (London and New York: I. B. Tauris, 2012), pp. 578–79.

4 Khaṫak, Afżal Khān, Tārīkh-i muraṣṣaʿ, (ed.) Kāmil Momand, D. M. (Peshawar: University Book Agency, 1974), pp. 14–15.Google Scholar

5 Niʿmatallāh, Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī, pp. 5–6, 828, 831.

6 Dorn, History of the Afghans, part 1, p. 3.

7 For a recent discussion of the genealogical material from the Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī in comparison with some later sources on the subject, see Nejatie, Sajjad, ‘The Pearl of Pearls: The Abdālī-Durrānī Confederacy and its Transformation under Aḥmad Shāh, Durr-i Durrān’, PhD thesis, University of Toronto, 2017, pp. Google Scholar; and Nejatie, Sajjad, ‘Reflections on the Prehistory of the Abdālī Afghans’, Central Asian Survey 38, no. 4 (2019), pp. .CrossRefGoogle Scholar

8 Niʿmatallāh, Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī, pp. 2–5.

9 Ibid., pp. 3–4.

10 Ibid., pp. 707–833.

11 For the latest general surveys of Indo-Persian historiography in the Mughal empire, see Dale, ‘Indo-Persian Historiography’, pp. 579–602; and Blain Auer, ‘Persian Historiography in India’, in Persian Literature from Outside Iran: The Indian Subcontinent, Anatolia, Central Asia, and in Judeo-Persian, (ed.) J. R. Perry, Vol. IX of A History of Persian Literature, (general ed.) E. Yarshater (London and New York: I. B. Tauris, 2018), pp. 120–36. Notes on Indo-Persian hagiographical collections regarded as memorative communications are in Marcia K. Hermansen and Bruce B. Lawrence, ‘Indo-Persian Tazkiras as Memorative Communications’, in Beyond Turk and Hindu. Rethinking Religious Identities in Islamicate South Asia, (eds) D. Gilmartin and B. B. Lawrence (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2000), pp. 160–68.

12 Khwājah Niẓāmuddīn Aḥmad, The Ṭabaqāt-i-Akbarī (A History of India from the Early Musalmān Invasions to the Thirty-Eighth Year of the Reign of Akbar), Vol. II, (ed.) B. De (Calcutta: The Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1931), pp. 457–80; English translation: Khwājah Niẓāmuddīn Aḥmad, The Ṭabaqāt-i-Akbarī, Vol. II, (trans.) B. De (Calcutta: The Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1936), pp. 684–710.

13 For an overview of the classical works of the Islamic hagiography, see Jawid A. Mojaddedi, The Biographical Tradition in Sufism: The Ṭabaqāt Genre from al-Sulamī to Jāmī (Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press, 2001).

14 Abu ʾl-Fażl ʿAllāmī, Āʾin-i Akbarī, Vol. 2, (ed.) H. Blochmann (Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1869), pp. 207–25; English translation: Abul Fazl Allámi, The Aín i Akbari, (trans.) H. S. Jarrett (Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1891), pp. 349–78.

15 Hardy, Peter, ‘Badāʾunī’, in The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New edition, Vol. I, (eds) H. A. R. Gibb, J. H. Kramers, E. Lévi-Provençal and J. Schacht (Leiden: Brill, 1986), p. 857.Google Scholar

16 ʿAbd al-Qādir bin Mulūkshāh Badāʾunī, Muntakhab al-tawārīkh, (eds) M. A. ʿAlī Ṣāḥib and T. H. Subḥānī (Tehran: Anjuman-i āsār wa mafākhir-i farhangī, 1379/2000), pp. 3–109; English translation: ʿAbdu-ʾl-Qādir Ibn-i-Mulūkshāh al-Badāonī, Muntakhabu-ʾt-Tawārīkh, Vol. III, (trans.) W. Haig (Calcutta: The Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1925), pp. 1–223.

17 ʿAbd al-Ḥaqq Muḥaddis Dihlawī, Akhbār al-akhyār fī asrār al-abrār, (ed.) ʿAlīm Ashraf Khān (Tehran: Anjuman-i āsār wa mafākhir-i farhangī, 1383/2004). For an analysis of this work, see Banerjee, Sushmita, ‘Conceptualising the Past of the Muslim Community in the Sixteenth Century: A Prosopographical Study of the Akhbār al-Akhyār’, The Indian Economic and Social History Review 54, no. 4 (2017), pp. Google Scholar.

18 Amīr Khurd al-Kirmānī, Siyar al-awliyā (Delhi: Maṭbaʿ-i Muḥib Hind, 1889). For a study of this work, see Balachandran, Jyoti G., ‘Exploring the Elite World in the Siyar al-Awliyā’: Urban Elites, their Lineages and Social Networks’, The Indian Economic and Social History Review 52, no. 3 (2015), pp. .CrossRefGoogle Scholar

19 Badāʾunī, Muntakhab al-Tawārīkh, pp. 77–79.

20 This formula was adopted as a definite marker of a narrative piece in hagiographies by ʿAṭṭār in his highly influential Taẕkirat al-awliyā; see Aigle, Denise, ‘ʿAṭṭār’s Taḏkirat al-awliyāʾ and Jāmī’s Nafaḥāt al-uns: Two Visions of Sainthood’, Oriente Moderno 96, no. 2 (2016), p. 289.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

21 Niʿmatallāh’s hagiographical anthology completely omits the part that would deal with the spiritual masters of the Karlāṅay (Pers. ‘Karrānī’) tribes—the fourth branch of the Pashtun genealogical tree. From the brief and confused account of this branch in the Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī it appears that Niʿmatallāh’s sources lacked reliable information about the Karlāṅays and their origins, considering them assimilated descendants of the Ormur people (Niʿmatallāh, Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī, pp. 638–50). See also Olaf Caroe, The Pathans, 550 B. C.–A. D. 1957 (London: Macmillan and Co., 1958), pp. 20–24; and Andreyev, Sergei B., ‘Notes on the Ōrmuȓ People’, in Peterburgskoie vostokovedenie. St. Petersburg Journal of Oriental Studies, Vol. 4 (St Petersburg: Peterburgskoie vostokovedenie, 1993), pp. .Google Scholar

22 Niʿmatallāh, Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī, pp. 744, 809–13.

23 In his notes on the Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī, Dale rightly concludes that this work should be regarded foremost ‘as an indication of 17th-century Afghan beliefs about their social and religious traditions’, but it is by no means ‘a traditional Perso-Islamic court history, in this case a panegyric dedicated to a Mughal general’ (Dale, ‘Indo-Persian Historiography’, pp. 578–79). A more detailed and accurate appraisal of Niʿmatallāh’s book as a diasporic codification of Pashtuns’ ‘widespread oral ethnohistories’ is Green, ‘Tribe, Diaspora, and Sainthood’, pp. 183–85.

24 Niẓāmuddīn, The Ṭabaqāt-i-Akbarī, pp. 469, 467.

25 Niʿmatallāh, Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī, pp. 759–60, 769, 775–76.

26 Ibid., pp. 298–99; cf. Green, ‘Blessed Men and Tribal Politics’, pp. 353–54.

27 Badāʾunī, Muntakhab al-tawārīkh, pp. 32–33, 44. The Niyāzays belong to the Lodī tribal group (M. J. Syāl Momand, Də paẋtano qabīlo shajare (Peshawar: University Book Agency, 1988), pp. 181–82).

28 Niʿmatallāh, Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī, pp. 797–99, 818.

29 Ibid., pp. 813–17.

30 Cf. Green, ‘Blessed Men and Tribal Politics’, pp. 354–55.

31 Badāʾunī, Muntakhab al-tawārīkh, p. 74.

32 ʿAbd al-Ḥaqq, Akhbār al-akhyār, p. 146; Niʿmatallāh, Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī, pp. 801–03.

33 The important ‘rural-urban’ dichotomy of Muslim saints in hagiographies usually has a different connotation for it is related more to the forms of Sufis’ engagement in social activities and the distinction between their ‘extravert’ and ‘introvert’ thinking and behaviour than to the ethno-cultural and social specificities of their milieu. Notes on this dichotomy are in John Renard, Friends of God: Islamic Images of Piety, Commitment, and Servanthood (Berkeley; Los Angeles; London: University of California Press, 2008), pp. 143–44, 244–45.

34 Cf. Green, ‘Blessed Men and Tribal Politics’, p. 348.

35 Niʿmatallāh, Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī, pp. 770–74.

36 Ibid., pp. 771–72.

37 Ibid., pp. 594–601; for comments on this legend, see also Nejatie, ‘The Pearl of Pearls’, pp. 160–61.

38 Niʿmatallāh, Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī, pp. 721–23. The name of this place resembles that of the district and the town of Wāzakhwā in the Paktika province (in present-day Afghanistan), these territories having been the main domain of the Sulaymānkhel tribe of the Ghilzay tribal confederation belonging to the Beṫan branch.

39 According to Caroe, ‘Roh’ is ‘a Multani and Baluch word for a mountain, applied by the people of Multan and the Derajat to the mountain wall of the Takht-i-Sulaiman, and so to the Pathan country’ (Caroe, The Pathans, p. 439 (cf. Henry G. Raverty, Notes on Afghanistan and Part of Baluchistan, Geographical, Ethnographical, and Historical (London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1888), p. 657; Andre Wink, ‘Rohilkhand’, in The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New edition, Vol. VIII, (eds) C. E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel, W. P. Heinrichs and G. Lecomte (Leiden: Brill, 1995), pp. 571–72; Gommans, The Rise of the Indo-Afghan Empire, pp. 9–10, 104–13). However, the authentic etymology of this geographical appellation still requires further investigation.

40 Niʿmatallāh, Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī, pp. 622–23, 776–77, 779–84, 903; Dorn, History of the Afghans, part 2, pp. 27–29.

41 Niʿmatallāh, Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī, pp. 723–40, 750–54, 764–66, 826–28, 889–97.

42 Ibid., pp. 712–21. In his account of Khwāja Quṭb al-Dīn Bakhtiyār Kākī, Niʿmatallāh obviously relied not only on the stories about this sheikh in the Siyar al-awliyā and the Akhbār al-akhyār, but also on some other written sources (Amīr Khurd, Siyar al-awliyā, pp. 48–57; ʿAbd al-Ḥaqq, Akhbār al-akhyār, pp. 47–50). On Khwāja Quṭb al-Dīn, see also Gerhard Böwering, ‘Ḳuṭb al-Dīn Bakhtiyār Kākī’, in The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New edition, Vol. V, (eds) C. E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel, B. Lewis and Ch. Pellat (Leiden: Brill, 1986), pp. 546–47; Anna Suvorova, Muslim Saints of South Asia (Abingdon: Routledge Curzon, 2004), pp. 16, 66, 87–91; Balachandran, ‘Exploring the Elite World’, pp. 247–49; Banerjee, ‘Conceptualising the Past’, pp. 436–38.

43 In the phrase ‘Khwāja Quṭb al-Dīn [Bakhtiyār Kākī] was from this people (ṭāʾifa)’, which is found in the short preamble to the hagiographical section in the Tārīkh-i khānjahānī, the word ṭāʾifa more likely refers to Sufis rather than Afghans, since it is used in the context where Niʿmatallāh wishes his co-author Haybat Khān Kākaṙ to be rewarded for his labours by God with the protection of Sufi saints (lit. with ‘the love of this folk (qawm)’ and ‘the friendship of this people (ṭāʾifa)’) (Niʿmatallāh, Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī, p. 711); cf. another interpretation in Green, ‘Tribe, Diaspora, and Sainthood’, p. 188.

44 Niʿmatallāh, Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī, pp. 642–44. In this fragment, Ūch is said to be a town ‘in the vicinities of Baghdād’, though it is more likely to be the well-known historic town (present-day Ūch Sharīf) in Punjab to the south of Multān. Quṭb al-Dīn Bakhtiyār Kākī’s native town Ūsh, located in the east of the Farghāna valley (present-day Osh in Kyrgyzstan), is also erroneously placed by Niʿmatallāh ‘in the vicinities of Baghdād’ (Niʿmatallāh, Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī, p. 712). This coincidence betrays not only the confusion of two hagiographical characters with similar names, but also a popular idea that ‘true’ sayyids were expected to come from some ancient and eminent stronghold of Islam. On the Bakhtiyārs’ lineage, see also Raverty, Notes on Afghanistan, pp. 492, 525–26.

45 This is the same motif as in the story about Shaykh Ismaʿīl Saṙbanī who brings fortune to Saṙban, allegedly his uncle and foster-father (see the previous section).

46 Niʿmatallāh, Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī, p. 643; cf. Green, ‘Tribe, Diaspora, and Sainthood’, p. 196.

47 Niʿmatallāh, Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī, p. 807.

48 Ibid., p. 645.

49 Afżal Khān, Tārīkh-i muraṣṣaʿ, pp. 561–92.

50 A Dictionary of the Pathan Tribes on the North-West Frontier of India. Prepared by the General Staff Army Headquarters, India (Calcutta: Superintendent Government Printing, 1910), pp. 71, 74.

51 Niʿmatallāh, Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī, p. 777.

52 Ibid., pp. 778–79; cf. Green, ‘Blessed Men and Tribal Politics’, pp. 354–55. The first part of this name can be a distortion, or even a combination, of the words mullā and miyān (‘spiritual intermediary’). The derivation of mulān from mawlānā (‘our lord’)—the variant kindly suggested by a reviewer of this article—is also possible, though the two abovementioned words appear to have been much more common as titles of Pashtun spiritual leaders in this period and later times.

53 A detailed study of Khiżr in popular culture is found in Patrick Franke, Begegnung mit Khidr: Quellenstudien zum Imaginären im traditionellen Islam (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag: 2000).

54 Niʿmatallāh, Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī, pp. 722, 791, 799, 817.

55 Cf. Green, ‘Blessed Men and Tribal Politics’, p. 350.

56 Niʿmatallāh, Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī, pp. 734–35, 764, 818.

57 Ibid., pp. 754–57; cf. Green, ‘Tribe, Diaspora, and Sainthood’, p. 190; and Nejatie, ‘The Pearl of Pearls’, pp. 174–75.

58 On Shūrāwak (Shorawak), a district in the middle reaches of the Pishīn-Lora river in present-day Afghanistan, see Ludwig W. Adamec (ed.), Historical and Political Gazetteer of Afghanistan, Vol. 5: Kandahar and South-Central Afghanistan (Graz: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsantstalt, 1980), pp. 439–54.

59 On a later folk legend about the purported ties between the early Chishtī masters and the Abdālīs (Awdals) who, like the Baṙets tribes, are the Saṙban Pashtuns, see Nejatie, ‘The Pearl of Pearls’, pp. 146–51; Nejatie, ‘Reflections on the Prehistory of the Abdālī Afghans’, pp. 552–54.

60 Niʿmatallāh, Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī, pp. 819–21; cf. Green, ‘Tribe, Diaspora, and Sainthood’, p. 192.

61 Paret, Rudolf, ‘Aṣḥāb al-Kahf’, in The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New edition, Vol. I, (eds) Gibb, H. A. R., Kramers, J. H., Lévi-Provençal, E. and Schacht, J. (Leiden: Brill, 1986), p. 691.Google Scholar

62 Niʿmatallāh, Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī, pp. 760–61; cf. Nejatie, ‘The Pearl of Pearls’, pp. 173–74.

63 Niʿmatallāh, Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī, pp. 736–38; cf. Green, ‘Blessed Men and Tribal Politics’, p. 352.

64 Barth, ‘Pathan Identity’, p. 119; Lutz Rzehak, ‘Doing Pashto: Pashtunwali as the Ideal of Honourable Behaviour and Tribal Life among the Pashtuns’, in Afghanistan Analysts Network (2011), available at https://www.afghanistan-analysts.org/wp-content/uploads/downloads/2012/10/20110321LR-Pashtunwali-FINAL.pdf, [accessed 22 September 2022]; see also Hanifi, Shah Mahmoud, ‘The Pashtun Counter-Narrative’, Middle East Critique 25, no. 4 (2016), pp. 385–400CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

65 On the etymology of both ethnonyms, see Cheung, Johnny, ‘On the Origin of the Terms “Afghan” & “Pashtun” (Again)’, in Studia Philologica Iranica. Gherardo Gnoli Memorial Volume, (eds) Morano, E., Provasi, E. and Rossi, A. V. (Roma: Scienze e Lettere, 2017), pp. 31–50Google Scholar.

66 Niʿmatallāh, Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī, p. 111. In his didactical book Dastār-nāma (1665), Khushḥāl Khān Khaṫak repeated this popular etymology of the ethnonym ‘Pathān’ but with an important ‘correction’ that this name was given to Pashtuns by Maḥmūd Ghaznawī (r. 999–1030) for the great toughness and fortitude displayed by Pashtun warriors during his Indian campaigns: ‘Sultan said to them: “These [people] are the paṫān of my army.” And paṫān is a beam which is used in building ships’ (Khushḥāl Khān Khaṫak, Dastār-nāma (Kabul: Paẋto Ṫoləna, 1966), p. 85). Thus, despite fictional nature of this ‘etymology’, Khushḥāl Khān provided the more adequate historical chronology and localization of the appearance of the Indo-Afghan ethnonym ‘Pathan’ that is still being used even in academic literature.

67 Niʿmatallāh, Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī, pp. 760, 823. The final short vowel a in the archaic (or dialectal?) imperative form rāyisha (modern rāsha) ‘come here, come on’ is designated here by the letter ‘alif’ as long ā.

68 Ibid., p. 792.

69 Ibid., p. 740.

70 Ibid., pp. 759, 762.

71 Ibid., p. 820.

72 A discussion of the emergence of Pashto written poetry in the seventeenth century and the early Pashto poets’ varying views on the motives behind their writing in the native vernacular is in Pelevin, Mikhail, ‘The Inception of Literary Criticism in Early Modern Pashto Writings’, Iranian Studies 54, no 5–6 (2021), pp. 947–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

73 Niʿmatallāh, Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī, p. 744.

74 Ibid., pp. 822–25.

75 Cf. Ḥāfiẓ, Dīwān-i Khwāja-yi Ḥāfiẓ-i Shīrāzī, (ed.) S. A. Anjawī (Tehran: Sāzmān-i Intishārāt-i Jāwīdān-i ʿIlmī, 1966), p. 216.

76 On this custom, see Rzehak, ‘Doing Pashto’, pp. 5–6.

77 Nejatie argues that the relationship between the Tarīns and the Abdālīs was more like that of political allies than that of genealogically related ethnic groups as is stated in the Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī where the Abdālīs (Awdals) are introduced as a subdivision of the Tarīns (Nejatie, ‘The Pearl of Pearls’, pp. 178–81).

78 Niʿmatallāh, Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī, pp. 645–47; and Syāl, Də paẋtano qabīlo shajare, pp. 158–59, 188–89.

79 Niʿmatallāh, Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī, p. 825. In Zalmay Hewādmal, Də paẋto adabiyāto tārīkh: larghūne aw məndzanəy dawre (Peshawar: Dānish Khparandoya Ṫoləna, 2000), p. 78, these verses are quoted with a few additional phrases that make the text more coherent both in terms of meaning and metrics; however, the source of this variant is not indicated.