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The Economic Problem of Fixed Costs and What Legal Research Can Contribute

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 December 2018

Abstract

The antitrust laws demand competition but, in general, no competitive outcome is possible in markets characterized by substantial fixed costs. Consequently, restrictions on competition may have an efficiency defense, and a prohibition of cartel agreements may entail costs as well as benefits. Giving examples, this essay illustrates the problem that fixed costs pose for competition, long recognized in economics, and discusses implications for real-world industries. The author addresses Wiley's recent criticism of theoretical and empirical work on the fixed cost problem and outlines an agenda for legal research that can help illuminate the underlying economic and antitrust policy issues posed by industries with high fixed costs.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © American Bar Foundation, 1989 

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References

1. Telser, Lester G., Economic Theory and the Core (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978); id., A Theory of Efficient Cooperation and Competition (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987); and id., Theories of Competition (New York: North Holland, 1988). William W. Sharkey, The Theory of Natural Monopoly (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1982), also presents the theory of the core in economic applications.Google Scholar

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22. “The ‘core’… is the cooperative solution concept that is perhaps best known to economists. Most famous among its applications is the core equivalence principle, which states that the core coincides with the set of competitive (price equilibrium or Walras) outcomes in perfectly competitive markets with many traders, each individual one of whom is insignificant. First demonstrated by Edgeworth [in 1881], an amazingly rich and deep literature has sprung up, all of it focusing on this one basic principle.” Aumann, “Game Theory” at 49.Google Scholar

23. I refer to this historical background in Bittlingmayer, 25 J. L. & Econ. at 201, 203, and 205 (cited in note 2), and in Bittlingmayer, 5 Res. L. & Econ. at 57, 60–61, and 122–23 nn. 3–10 (cited in note 2).Google Scholar

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25. See, e. g., Baumol, William J., Panzar, John C., & Willig, Robert D., Contestable Markets and the Theory of Industry Structure 32–40 (New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1982).Google Scholar

26. I emphasized this in my study of the great merger wave of 1898–1904, Bittlingmayer, 28 J. L. & Econ. at 77 (cited in note 3).Google Scholar

27. Wiley, 54 U. Chi. L. Rev. at 561 (cited in note 5).Google Scholar

28. Id. at 579 (“until we have some demonstration that empty cores are costly” and “Bittlingmayer shares Telser's diffidence about the costs of empty cores”), and at 586 (“a judge must believe empty cores cause losses that outweigh the costs of their cure”).Google Scholar

29. Nor do I say, as Wiley contends I do, that “suboptimal capacity is a necessary consequence of the per se rule's condemnation of cartel cooperation.”Id. at 583. What I did say is that the problems raised by an empty core can be solved with either suboptimal capacity or noncompetitive arrangements (cartelization, merger, and tacit collusion). Bankruptcy is also possible, but it is merely a step on the path to altered industry structure or behavior. See Bittlingmayer, 5 Res. L. & Econ. at 57, 109. Only if the antitrust laws have been successful in eliminating all forms of noncompetitive arrangements and outcomes (and who would want to contend that?) will the per se rule necessarily result in suboptimal capacity.Google Scholar

This point about suboptimal capacity is directly related to a well-known result from the natural monopoly literature. which holds that constant unit prices that cover costs will not be welfare maximizing under increasing returns-to-scale technology. This forms the basis for the classic but controversial argument in favor of marginal-cost pricing for natural monopolies, with deficits to be made good via taxes or lump-sum charges to users.Google Scholar

30. This example appears in Bittlingmayer, 28 J. L. & Econ. at 77, 81–82 (cited in note 3).Google Scholar

31. Wiley, 54 U. Chi. L. Rev. at 579 (emphasis added).Google Scholar

32. Viner, Jacob, “Cost Curves and Supply Curves,” 3 Zeitschrift für Nationalókonomie 23 (1931), reprinted in George J. Stigler & Kenneth Boulding, eds., Readings in Price Theory 212 (1952).Google Scholar

33. Wiley, 54 U. Chi. L. Rev. at 584.Google Scholar

34. Id. at 584–85.Google Scholar

35. Another possible way out of the fixed-cost or integer problem that has sometimes been used in the theoretical economics literature is the Cournot-Nash solution. For an example of this approach, and a discussion of some of its limitations, see Sharkey, W. W., The Theory of National Monopoly ch. 8 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1982).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

36. Bittlingmayer, 5 Res. L. & Econ. at 57, 89–93.Google Scholar

37. Wiley, 54 U. Chi. L. Rev. at 580. I had used data from several foundries to get a better measure of central tendency and range.Google Scholar

38. Id. at 580 n. 85.Google Scholar

39. The central problem here is that I had costs only for 1905–1906, but the gross margins of interest occurred in the late 1890s. The comparisons of costs in 1905–1906 with margins in the preceding decade turn out to be quite sensitive to the way margins are adjusted for price level movements. The WPI rose 33 to 34 percent (depending on the index used) from 1896 to 1906, while other indexes rose a good deal less: CPI (8 percent), various cost of living indexes (7 to 24 percent), and average hourly earnings (28 percent). Calculated from U. S. Bureau of Census, Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1970, Series E23, E52, E135, E183–186, and D848 (1975). Using only the WPI, as I did, biases the pre-1905 margins upward because its movement is greatest, while using current dollar figures biases them downward. I used both.Google Scholar

40. Bittlingmayer, 5 Res. L. & Econ. at 57, 104. We know of attempts to create a formal pool in 1879 and 1892. Id. at 73. The trade press reported that eastern and western producers met in 1892 to discuss some large upcoming contracts, id. at 75; and pig-iron production and cast iron soil pipe were also cartelized in the mid-1890s, id. at 84–85, 87.Google Scholar

41. Wiley, 54 U. Chi. L. Rev. at 581 n. 86.Google Scholar

42. Bittlingmayer, 5 Res. L. & Econ. at 57, 98–101.Google Scholar

43. Id. at 101–2.Google Scholar

44. Wiley, 54 U. Chi. L. Rev. at 581.Google Scholar

45. Id. at 582.Google Scholar

47. Id. at 582 n. 92.Google Scholar

48. United States v. Addyston Pipe & Steel Co., 85 F. 271, 283 (6th Cir. 1898).Google Scholar

49. Bittlingmayer, 5 Res. L. & Econ. 57, 81–82.Google Scholar

50. Wiley, 54 U. Chi. L. Rev. at 586 n. 105.Google Scholar

51. The strategy of seeking affidavits from public employees was probably aimed at countering the feeling that the cartel was fleecing the public.Google Scholar

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53. See the references in Bittlingmayer, 28 J. L. & Econ. at 86–92 and 109 n. 831 (cited in note 3).Google Scholar

54. See sources cited supra note 4.Google Scholar

55. The U. S. and British common law on restraints of trade is surveyed in Thorelli, H. B., The Federal Antitrust Policy ch. 1 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1955); Ernest Gellhorn, Antitrust Law and Economics 3–10 (St. Paul: West Publishing Co., 1981); and Posner, Richard A. & Easterbrook, Frank H., Antitrust: Cases, Economic Notes and Other Materials 1–18 (St. Paul: West Publishing Co., 1981). Also see Letwin, William, Law and Economic Policy in America: The Evolution of the Sherman Act (New York: Random House, 1955).Google Scholar

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57. United States v. E. C. Knight, 156 U. S. 1 (1896).Google Scholar

58. Northern Sec. v. United States, 193 U. S. 197 (1904).Google Scholar

59. United States v. United States Steel, 251 U. S. 417 (1920).Google Scholar

60. United States v. Trenton Potteries, 273 U. S. 392 (1927).Google Scholar

61. Appalachian Coals v. United States, 288 U. S. 344 (1933).Google Scholar

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