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16. Bulgarus, , Excerpta legum, ed. Wahrmund, Ludwig, Quellen zur Geschichte des römisch-kanonischen Prozesses im Mittelalter (cited hereafter as QGRKP), vol. 4, pt. 1 (Innsbruck, 1925; reprint Aalen, 1962), 2–3Google Scholar; William of Drogheda, Summa aurea §33, ed. Wahrmund, , QGRKP, vol. 2, pt. 2 (Innsbruck, 1914; reprint Aalen, 1962), 36–37Google Scholar; Fédou, René, Les hommes de loi lyonnais à la fin du moyen âge: Etude sur les origines de la classe de robe, Annales de la Université de Lyon, 3d ser., vol. 37 (Paris, 1964), 149–50Google Scholar; Helmholz, Richard H., “Ethical Standards for Advocates and Proctors in Theory and Practice,” in Proceedings of the Fourth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law, ed. Kuttner, Stephan, MIC, Subsidia, vol. 5 (Città del Vaticano, 1976): 284–85Google Scholar; Guenéê, Bernard, Tribunaux et gens de justice dans le bailliage de Senlis à la fin du moyen âge (vers 1380-vers 1550) (Strasbourg, 1963), 186, 216Google Scholar; Henriot, Eugène, Moeurs juridiques et judiciaires de l'ancienne Rome, 3 vols. (Paris, 1865), 3: 93–95Google Scholar; Pound, The Lawyer, 55; Martines, Lauro, Lawyers and Statecraft in Renaissance Florence (Princeton, 1968), 30CrossRefGoogle Scholar: Ritchie, Carson I. A., The Ecclesiastical Courts of York (Arbroath, 1956), 53, 61–62Google Scholar.

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20. Johannes Teutonicus, Glos. ord. to D. 27 c. 1 v. tacuerit; X 1.38.1, 3, 4.

21. Guenée, Tribunaux, 205-6; Helmholz, Richard H., Marriage Litigation in Medieval England (Cambridge, 1974), 147–48Google Scholar.

22. Guenée, Tribunaux, 209-11.

23. Bulgarus, Excerpta legum, ed. Wahrmund, 2-3; William of Drogheda, Summa aurea 33, ed. Wahrmund, 36-37; de Rosate, Albericus, Vocabularius utriusque iuris longe castigatissimus (Paris, 1525), fol. 18rbGoogle Scholar; Gillet, P., “Avocat,” in Dictionnaire de droit canonique, ed. Naz, R., 7 vols. (Paris, 1935-1965; hereafter DDC), 1: 525Google Scholar.

24. Accursius, Glos. ord. to Cod. 1.4.15 v. togatorum and to 2.6.6 v. causidicus; Roman law texts are cited from the critical edition of the Corpus iuris civilis by Mommsen, , Krueger, , Schoell, , and Kroll, (Berlin, 1872-1895Google Scholar); I have also used the four-volume edition and English translation of the Digest, ed. Alan Watson (Philadelphia, 1985), in addition to the Mommsen, Krueger, et. al. text. The Glossa ordinaria is cited from the Lyon, 1574, edition in five volumes. See also Henriot, , Moeurs juridiques, 3: 97Google Scholar; Guenée, Tribunaux, 5, n. 22; Nörr, Knut Wolfgang, Zur Stellung des Richters im gelehrten Prozess der Frühzeit: Iudex secundum allegata non secundum conscientiam iudicat, Münchener Universitätsschriften, Reihe der juristischen Fakultät, Bd. 2 (München, 1967), 8, n. 4Google Scholar; Palmer, Robert C., “The Origins of the Legal Profession in England,” The Irish Jurist 11 (1976): 128Google Scholar.

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32. Thus, for example, the Leges Henrici primi 10.3, ed. Downer, 108, style the king the “advocate” of the clergy, the poor, and the friendless: “Ex omnibus ordinatis et alienigenis et pauperibus et abiectis debet esse rex pro cognatione et aduocato, si penitus alium non habent.” For early uses of the term in case records see Placiti 6, 38, 76, 110, 112, 119, 152, 161, 172, 187, 231, 233, ed. Manaresi, 1: 15, 120-22, 124-77, 405-10, 414-18, 441-46, and 2: 37-43, 84-91, 122-26, 185-86, 351-56, 360-62.

33. See for example a case heard at Rome in 998 in which an abbot was granted a delay in a hearing so that he could fetch his advocate, who was skilled in Lombard law; Placiti, 236, ed. Manaresi, 2: 367-74. Where an individual is described as advocatus et notarius or iudex et advocatus it is reasonable to infer that he possessed some legal expertise. For notary-advocates see Placiti, 82 (877), 144 (945), 428 (1073), 436 (1076), ed. Manaresi, 1: 296-301, 551-57, 3: 310-14, 331-33. Judge-advocates appear in Placiti, 156 (967), 266 (1001), 384 (1050), ed. Manaresi, 2: 54-56, 475-79, 3: 187-89. Eleventh-century records of cases heard by Countess Matilda of Tuscany complain about the lengthy arguments of the advocates who appeared in them; the judges in a 1079 case were said to be worn down, ex nimia et prolixa atque infinila advocatione; Placiti, 453 (1079), 455 (1080), ed. Manaresi, 3: 366-69, 371-73. Such descriptions irresistibly bring to mind a style of advocacy as familiar in antiquity as in modern times.

34. Johannes Teutonicus, Glos. ord. to C. 3 q. 7 c. 1 v. procurator, Summa Parisiensis, ed. T. P. McLaughlin, to C. 3 q. 7 pr. and to C. 4 q. 3 c. 3 v. advocatum, (Toronto, 1952), 121, 129Google Scholar.

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36. E.G., Henry Burghersh, Bishop of Lincoln (1320-40), Statuta consistorii episcopalis Lincolniensis (1334) §§3-5, in Concilia magnae Britanniae et Hiberniae, ed. Wilkins, David, 4 vols. (London, 1737; reprint, Bruxelles, 1964), ii, 572Google Scholar; Hackett, M. B., The Original Statutes of Cambridge University: The Text and its History (Cambridge, 1970), 323Google Scholar. But cf., Helmholz, Marriage Litigation, 150-51.

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45. The period of study was set at five years by the 1327-1328 statutes, which agreed with the teaching of Azo on this point (below, n. 61); Fried, Entstehung des Juristenstandes, 212; Martines, Lawyers and Statecraft, 31-33, and see below, n. 28.

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57. Leges Henrici primi 57.8, ed. Downer, 178, for example, makes it plain that feudal overlords must furnish legal representation for those who held land from them and implies that lords may well have fulfilled this obligation in person. For pleaders who also appeared as champions see Palmer, “Origins of the Legal Profession,” 142-44.

58. Thus the Leges Henrici primi 4.6-4.8, ed. Downer, 82-84, offers pleaders advice that is so elementary it suggests that many of them had little or no training in their craft. Even though the Inns of Court date from the mid-thirteenth century, they were slow to furnish systematic instruction for law students. Thorne, “Early History of the Inns of Court,” 86-87, suggests that this did not begin to happen until early in the fifteenth century.

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65. Legatine Council of London (1237) c. 29, in Councils and Synods with other Documents Relating to the English Church, A.D. 1205-1313, ed. Powicke, F. M. and Cheney, C. R., 2 vols. (Oxford, 1964; cited hereafter as Powicke and Cheney), 1: 258–59Google Scholar. See also Paris, Matthew, Chronicon majora s.a. 1237, ed. Luard, H. R., 7 vols., Rolls Series, no. 57 (London, 1872-1883), 3: 439–40Google Scholar; Pollock, and Maitland, , History of English Law 1: 215Google Scholar.

66. Statutes of Salisbury II (1238-1244) c. 58, Worcester III (1240) c. 75, Durham II (1241-1249?) c. 50.6, Chichester I (1245-1252) c. 66, York I (1241-1255) c. 36, in Powicke and Cheney, 1: 314-15, 386, 435, 465, 493.

67. Legatine Council of London (1268) c. 26, in Powicke and Cheney, 2: 773.

68. Bologna, Statuti (1265) c. 38, ed. Frati, 3: 619; Statuti (1288) 5.153, ed. Fasoli and Sella, 1: 554.

69. 2 Council of Lyon (1274) c. 19, in Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta, 2d ed., ed. Alberigo, G., Joannou, P., Leonardi, C., and Prodi, P. (Basel, 1962), 300–1Google Scholar. See also Statutes of Exeter II (1287) c. 34, in Powicke and Cheney, 2: 1030-31. For the text of the oath sworn by advocates and proctors in the papal Audientia litterarum contradictarum, see Tangl, Michael, ed. Die päpstlichen Kanzleiordnungen von 1200-1500 (Innsbruck, 1894; reprint, Aalen, 1959), 47, 121–22Google Scholar. Many other courts by this time required similar oaths; see e.g. Recueil général des anciennes lois françaises, ed. Isambert, François André et al. , 29 vols. in 4 (Paris, 1822-1863; reprint, Ridgewood, N.J., 1966), 2: 652-54, 690Google Scholar; Delachenal, Histoire des avocats, 19-20, 393-96; Hackett, M. B., The Original Statutes of Cambridge University (Cambridge, 1970), 323Google Scholar; Munimenta academica, or Documents Illustrative of Academical Life and Studies at Oxford, ed. Anstey, Henry, 2 vols, Rolls Series, no. 50 (London, 1868), 1: 76–77Google Scholar, 2: 380. On ethical standards for canonists, see also my study, “The Ethics of the Legal Profession: Medieval Canonists and Their Clients,” The Jurist 33 (1973): 247–58Google Scholar.

70. E.g. the admissions oath required in the Ely consistory court, §6, in Cambridge University Library, E. D. R. D/2/1, fol. 62v, as well as MS Add. 3468, fol 35v; Statutes of the Lincoln Consistory Court §8, in Wilkins, , Concilia, 2: 573Google Scholar. On the Ely oath, see my forthcoming study, “The Ecclesiastical Bar at Ely in the Fourteenth Century: The Oath of Admission.”

71. Cod. 2.6.5 (but cf. C. 3 q. 7 c. 2 and glos. ord. to v. partis); see also Cod. 2.6.6 pr. and §2. See further X 1.32.1 and glos. ord. to v. obstante, as well as VI 2.10.3 and glos. ord. to v. appellationis and v. in testem; Bartolus of Sassoferrato, Commentaria to Cod. 2.6.6 (Venice, 1581), fol. 62vGoogle Scholar; Tangl, Päpstlichen Kanzleiordnungen, 55; Rossi, Guido, Consilium sapientis iudiciale: Studi e ricerche per la storia del processo romanocanonico, Pubblicazione del Seminario Giuridico dell'Università di Bologna, vol. 18 (Milano, 1958), 86–87Google Scholar. The provision in 2 Lyon c. 19, COD pp. 300-301, that advocates or proctors who fail to observe the ethical rules become liable for damages also supports the argument that the lawyer's obligation to a client arose from a contractual relationship between them. On this problem, see my study, “The Profits of the Law: Legal Fees of University-Trained Advocates,” American Journal of Legal History 32 (1988): 7–8Google Scholar.

72. X 2.26.16, paraphrasing 1 Cor. 9:13-14; Autenrith, Johann Friedrich, De eo quod justum est circa salaria ac honoraria advocatorum §§8, 25 (Wittemberg, 1727) 9, 20–21Google Scholar; cf. Tacitus, Annales 11.7.

73. de Trano, Goffredus, Summa super titulos decretalium to X 1.37 De postulando §5, 8 (Lyon, 1519; reprint, Aalen, 1968), 127–28Google Scholar; Azo, , Summa to Cod. 2.6 (Torino, 1578; reprint, 1966)Google Scholar, followed by Bartolus, Commentaria to Cod. 2.6.6 v. quisquis, in his Opera, 10 vols. (Venice, 1575-85), vol. 7, fol. 62va. Accursius, however, noted without comment, an argument in support of payment in advance at Glos. ord. to Dig. 8.4.13 v. salarium. See also Autenrith, De eo quod justum est §26.

74. Aretinus, Gratia, Summa de iudiciario ordine 2.9, ed. Bergmann, Friedrich Christian, in Pillius, Tancredus, Gratia Libri de iudiciorum ordine (Göttingen, 1842; reprint, Aalen, 1965), 378–79Google Scholar.

75. Azo, Summa to Cod. 2.6; Glos. ord. to Cod. 2.6.5 v. immensa; Glos. ord. to Dig. 2.14.53 v. datum; C. 3 q. 7 c. 7, paraphrasing Cod. 2.6.5.

76. Bresslau, Harry, Handbuch der Urkundenlehre für Deutschland und Italien, 3d ed., 3 vols. (Berlin, 1958), 1: 575–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dilcher, Hermann, “Juristisches Berufsethos nach dem sizilischen Gesetzbuch Friedrichs II. von Hohenstaufen,” in Studien zur europäischen Rechtsgeschichte: Helmut Coing zum 28. Februar 1972 von seinen Schülern und Mitarteitern, ed. Wilhelm, Walter (Frankfurt a/M, 1972), 113Google Scholar.

77. Second Council of Lyon (1274) c. 19, in Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta, 2d ed. (Basel, 1962), 300–1Google Scholar; Tangl, Michael, Die päpstlichen Kanzleiordnungen von 1200-1500 (Innsbruck, 1894; reprint, Aalen, 1959)Google Scholar; Dilcher, “Juristisches Berufsethos,” 113. On fees for legal services more generally, see also Brundage “Profits of the Law.”

78. Joannes Andreae, Glos. ord. to VI° 1.19.5 v. ad negotia.

79. He cites in support of this position Ulpian in Dig. 3.1.1.3 and in Gratian C. 3 q. 7 §2. Joannes was no slavish copier of ancient authorities, however, and it seems a reasonable inference that had he deemed seventeen a wholly unlikely or impossible minimum age, he would have said so, despite the contrary statements of earlier writers. His statement is also consistent with other evidence. Baldus degli Ubaldi, who was a child prodigy, held a repetitio at age fifteen and Pietro di Ancharano set seventeen as the minimum age for receiving the doctorate; see von Savigny, Friedrich Carl, Geschichte des römischen Rechts im Mittelalter, 4th ed., 7 vols. (Heidelberg, 1834-1850; reprint, Bad Homburg, 1961), 6: 213Google Scholar; Rashdall, , Universities 1: 125Google Scholar, n. 1. These were unusual cases, however; in general, university students in the middle ages seem not to have been much younger than they are today; J. I. Catto, “Citizens, Scholars, and Masters,” in History of the University of Oxford, ed. Aston, 170.

80. Bartolus, Comm. to Cod. 2.7.6 v. in eodem dumtaxat loco.

81. Bartolus, Comm. to Cod. 2.7.7 v. noverint.

82. Martines, Lawyers and Statecraft, 27.

83. Tangl, Päpstlichen Kanzleiordnungen, 124. The rule was not exactly new; a century earlier in the decretal Si culpa Pope Gregory IX explicitly provided for remedies against negligence by professional men; see X 5.36.9.

84. Ibid., 128.

85. William of Drogheda, Summa aurea 47, ed. Wahrmund, 47-48; Gescher, F., “Das älteste kölnische Offizialatsstatut (1306-1331),” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, kanonistische Abteilung 14 (1925): 483Google Scholar; Rossi, Consilium sapientis, 255-59. Negligent attorneys in English courts could be committed to prison for losing their clients' cases; Liber custumarum 8 Edw. I, ed. Riley, Henry Thomas in Munimenta Gildhallae Londinensis, 3 vols, Rolls Series, no. 12 (London, 1859-1862), 282Google Scholar.

86. Bartolus, Comm. to Cod. 2.7.1 and 2.9.1; von Wiener-Neustadt, Raymundus, Das Summa legum brevis, levis, et utilis des sogenannten Doctor Raymundus von Wiener-Neustadt, 3.37, ed. Gál, Alexander (Weimar, 1926), 594–96Google Scholar; LeBras, Gabriel, “Velut splendor firmamenti: Le docteur dans le droit de l'église médiévale,” in Mélanges offerts à Étienne Gilson (Toronto and Paris, 1959), 387–88Google Scholar; Guillemain, Cour pontificale d'Avignon, 569.

87. de Arezzo, Bonaguida, Summa introductoha super officio advocationis in foro ecclesiae 4.4, in Anecdota quae processum civilem spectant, ed. Wunderlich, A. (Göttingen, 1841), 325–26Google Scholar; Dig. 9.2.8; Bartolus, Comm. to Cod. 2.9.1; Delachenal, Histoire des avocats, 213-15; Pollock, and Maitland, , History of English Law, 1: 212Google Scholar. The situation of a proctor was quite different, since a proctor, like an English attorney, was dominus litis and his statements carried the same force and value as statements by the client himself; Inst. 4.11.4-5; Papiensis, Bernardus, Summa decretalium 1.28.7, ed. Laspeyres, E. A. T. (Regensburg, 1960; reprint, Graz, 1956), 24Google Scholar; Teutonicus, Johannes, Apparatus glossarum in Compilationem tertiam 1.22.1 v. litteras reuocatorias, ed. Pennington, Kenneth, MIC, Corpus glossatorum, vol. 3 (Città del Vaticano, 1981), 143–44Google Scholar; de Trani, Goffredus, Summa super titulis decretalium 1.38.2, 18 (Lyon, 1519; reprint, Aalen, 1968), fol. 64ra, 66vbGoogle Scholar; Hostiensis, , Summa aurea, lib. 1, tit. De procuratoribus, §14 (Lyon, 1547; reprint, Aalen, 1962), fol. 64vb–65raGoogle Scholar; Kirk, Harry, Portrait of a Profession: A History of the Solicitor's Profession, 1100 to the Present Day (London, 1976), 4Google Scholar; Pollock, and Maitland, , History of English Law, 1: 212–13Google Scholar.

88. Bartolus, Comm. to Cod. 2.6.8. On the other hand, the advocate who became convinced that his client's case was without merit was obliged to resign from the case at once and to explain his reasons to the judge, a course of action that modern lawyers would consider altogether unethical.

89. Tangl, Päpstlichen Kanzleiordnungen, 121.

90. LeCoq, Jean (Joannes Galli), Questiones 359, ed. Boulet, Marguerite, Bibliothèque des Écoles françaises d'Athènes et de Rome, fasc. 156 (Paris, 1945), 444–46Google Scholar; Recueil des lettres des officialités de Marseille et d'Aix (XIVe-XVe s.): Contribution à l'histoire des officialités au moyen-âge, ed. Aubenas, Roger, 2 vols. (Paris, 1937-1938), 2: 137–38Google Scholar; Helmholz, “Ethical Standards,” 298-99.

91. Other explanations are certainly possible. It is conceivable, but not likely, that records of disciplinary proceedings were not kept routinely, or that records of these actions perished in greater numbers than those of other kinds of proceedings. Alternatively it is possible, and a shade more likely, that most infractions of professional standards were dealt with informally and that only exceptional or aggravated cases were dealt with by formal process. It is also possible, of course, that unethical advocates were as a rule so stealthy and so clever that they escaped detection either by their clients or their colleagues.

92. E.g. Bracton 's Note Book: A Collection of Cases Decided in the King's Courts during the Reign of King Henry the Third, Annotated by a Lawyer of That Time, Seeimgly by Henry of Bratton, ed. Maitland, F. W., 2 vols. (London, 1887), 2: 508Google Scholar; Select Cases in the Court of King's Bench under Edward I, ed. Sayles, G. O., 3 vols., Selden Society Publications, vols. 55, 57, 58 (London, 1936-1939), 1:67, 80-81; 2: 33-34, 40–41Google Scholar; Select Bills in Eyre, A.D. 1292-1333, 6, 79, 88, ed. Bolland, William Craddock, Selden Society Publications, vol. 30 (London, 1914), 3-4, 52-53, 59Google Scholar; Les Reports des tres Honorable Edw. Seigneur Littleton, Baron de Mounslow, Trinity Term 3 Car. I (Fawne's Case) and Michaelmas Term 3 Car. I, (London, 1683), 46, 54.

93. Tangl, Päpstlichen Kanzleiordnungen, 364-65.

94. Legatine Councils of London (1237) c. 29 and (1268) c. 26, in Powicke and Cheney, 1:258 and 2:773.

95. A third kind of argument to support the thesis that sharp practice was common in medieval courts could be made from analogies with the results of modern survey research on lawyers’ ethic. Numerous studies in the United States, England, and elsewhere have produced findings that are strikingly similar to the complaints about medieval ecclesiastical advocates and proctors, and also about the shortcomings of the disciplinary system; see, e.g., Carlin, Jerome E., Lawyers' Ethics: A Survey of the New York City Bar (New York, 1966), 160–61Google Scholar; Heinz and Laumann, Chicago Lawyers, 362-64; American Bar Association, Problems and Recommendations in Disciplinary Enforcement (Chicago, 1970), 1–9Google Scholar; F. Raymond Marks and Darlene Cathcart, “Discipline within the Legal Profession: Is It Self-Regulation?” University of Illinois Law Forum, vol. (1974): 193-236; Rueschemeyer, Lawyers and Their Society, 59-62, 126, 144; Quintin Johnstone, and Hopson, Dan Jr., Lawyers and Their Work: An Analysis of the Legal Profession in the United States and England (Indianapolis, 1976), 42, 72-73, 481–85Google Scholar. Intriguing and suggestive as the similarities are, however, the argument from analogy seems inherently weak, since it disregards the manifold differences between the medieval ecclesiastical bar and its modern counterparts.

96. Meynial, Edouard, “Remarques sur la réaction populaire contre l'invasion du droit romain en France au XIIe et XIIIe siècles,” Romanische Forschungen 23 (1907): 559–60Google Scholar; Manitius, Max, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters, 3 vols., Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft, Abt. 9, Teil 2, Bd. 3, (München, 1931), 3:912, 930Google Scholar; Holtzmann, Walther, “Propter Sion non tacebo: Zur Erklärung von Carmina Burana 41,” Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 10 (1953): 170–71Google Scholar; Kuttner, Stephan, Dat Galienus opes et sanctio Justiniana,” in Linguistic and Literary Studies in Honor of Helmut A. Hatzfeld, ed. Crisavulli, A. S. (Washington, 1964), 237Google Scholar; Ourliac, Paul, “Troubadours et juristes,” Cahiers de civilisation médiévale 8 (1965): 159-77 at 174CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Baldwin, “Critics of the Legal Profession,” 249-59.

97. Rüschemeyer, Lawyers and Their Society, 10-ll;Pound, The Lawyer, xxiv; Robson, Robert, The Attorney in Eighteenth-Century England, Cambridge Studies in Legal History (Cambridge, 1959), 136Google Scholar; DuCann, Richard, The Art of the Advocate (Harmondsworth, 1964), 18Google Scholar; Perelman, Charles, “What the Philosopher May Learn from the Study of Law,” Natural Law Forum 11 (1966): 1–2Google Scholar; Sbriccoli, Mario, L'interpretazione dello statuto: contribulo allo studio delta funzione dei giuristi nell'età communale (Milano, 1969), 71Google Scholar.

98. This insight was suggested by Gabriel, Canon Astrik L. in a paper entitled “The Origin of the Faculty of Canon Law (Facultas decretorum) at the University of Paris” (Presented at the Sixth Conference on Medieval Studies, Western Michigan University, 18 May 1971Google Scholar).

99. The same priorities have often been noted in recent times. In 1970, for example, the American Bar Association's Special Committee on Evaluation of Disciplinary Enforcement reported that, “With few exceptions, the prevailing attitude of lawyers toward disciplinary enforcement ranges from apathy to outright hostility. Disciplinary action is practically nonexistent in many jurisdictions; practices and procedures are antiquated; many disciplinary agencies have little power to take effective steps against malefactors.” The committee characterized the situation as “scandalous” and warned that “public dissatisfaction with the bar and the courts is much more intense than is generally believed within the profession.” See Problems and Recommendations in Disciplinary Enforcement, 1-2. A select panel of elite lawyers meeting at the Seven Springs Conference in 1976 was even more critical and found serious flaws in the ABA's own Code of Professional Responsibility; Hazard, Geoffrey C. Jr., Ethics in the Practice of Law (New Haven, 1978), 7-8, 37–38Google Scholar.