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Conflict, Letters, and Personal Relationships in the Carolingian Formula Collections

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 August 2010

Warren Brown
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Over the last few decades, scholarship on early medieval conflict has been driven and shaped by the kinds of sources that scholars have used. The different source genres offer their own characteristic pictures of the ways that people processed disputes in the early Middle Ages. Narrative sources, for example, such as chronicles or saints' lives, tend in the process of achieving their narrative orhagiographic goals to highlight violence, extra-judicial settlement, and the ritual or symbolic expression of disputes and disputeresolution. Normative sources, such as law codes or royal legislation (for example, the capitularies issued by Carolingian kings), naturally emphasize institutional tools for handling conflict, such as formal judicial assemblies and judicial procedures, royal judicial officials, and laws. Archival sources from the period consist primarily of charters, that is, records of rights or privilege ranging from diplomas issued by kings and emperors to the property records of churches andmonasteries. These tend to blend the images produced by the first two source genres. Often they record the formal resolution of propertydisputes in judicial assemblies headed by kings, counts, or their representatives; often they refer to laws or imply that the cases theydeal with were covered by some generally recognized set of norms. Charters also, however, provide a great deal of evidence for extra-judicial negotiation and settlement, as well as for ritual and public symbolic communication as a part of dispute processing.

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Law and History Review , Volume 25 , Issue 2 , Summer 2007 , pp. 323 - 344
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Copyright © the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois 2007

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References

1. Introductions to recent scholarship on medieval conflict resolution: Disputes and Settlements: Law and Human Relationships in theWest, ed. Bossy, John (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983)Google Scholar; The Settlement of Disputes in Early Medieval Europe, ed. Davies, Wendy and Fouracre, Paul (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), esp.CrossRefGoogle ScholarDavies, and Fouracre, , “Introduction,” 1–5Google Scholar and “Conclusion,” 207–40; Althoff, Gerd, Spielregeln der Politik im Mittelalter (Darmstadt: Primus Verlag, 1997)Google Scholar; Le règlement des conflits au Moyen Âge. Actes du XXXIe congrès de la SHMESP (Angers, 2000) (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2001), esp.Google ScholarGauvard, Claude, “Avant-propos,” 7–8Google Scholar and “Conclusion,” 369–91; Conflict in Medieval Europe. Changing Perspectives on Society and Culture, ed. Brown, Warren and Górecki, Piotr (Aldershot: Ashgate Press, 2003), esp.Google ScholarBrown, and Górecki, , “What Conflict Means: The Making of Medieval Conflict Studies in the United States, 1970–2000,” 1–35Google Scholar and “Where Conflict Leads: On the Present and Future of Medieval Conflict Studies in the United States,” 265–85.

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3. See, for example, Brunner, Heinrich, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, vol. 1 (Leipzig: Dunker and Humblot,1887)Google Scholar and vol. 2, 2d ed., ed. Claudius Freiherr von Schweren (Berlin: Dunker and Humblot, 1928); François Louis Ganshof, , Frankish Institutions under Charlemagne, ed. and trans. Lyon, Bryce and Lyon, Mary (Providence: Brown University Press, 1968), esp. 71–97;Google ScholarNehlsen, Hermann, “Aktualität Und Effektivität Der ältesten Germanischen Rechtsaufziechnungen,” in Recht und Schrift im Mittelalter, ed. Classen, Peter (Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 1977),449–502;Google ScholarDavies, and Fouracre, , “Introduction,” in Settlement of Disputes, 1–5;Google Scholar Roger Collins, “Visigothic Law and Regional Custom in Disputes in Early Medieval Spain,” in ibid., 85–104; Ian Wood, “Disputes in Late Fifth- and Sixth-Century Gaul: Some Problems,” in ibid., 7–22; Sellert, Wolfgang, “Aufzeichnung des Rechts und Gesetz,” in Das Gesetz in Spätantike und frühem Mittelalter, ed. Sellert, Wolfgang (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1992), 67–102;Google ScholarMcKitterick, Rosamond, “Perceptions of Justice in Western Europe in the Ninth and Tenth Centuries,” in La giustizia nell'alto medioevo(secoli IX-XI) (Spoleto: Presso la sede del Centro italiano di studi sull'alto medioevo, 1997), 2:1075–1102;Google ScholarHyams, Paul, Rancor and Reconciliation in MedievalEngland (Ithaca:Cornell University Press, 2003), esp. 71–110Google Scholar.

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5. See above all: Cheyette, Fredric L., “Suum Cuique Tribuere,” French Historical Studies 6 (1970): 287–99;CrossRefGoogle ScholarWhite, Stephen D., “Pactum … legem vincit et amor judicium:The Settlement of Disputes by Compromise in Eleventh-Century Western France,” American Journal of Legal History 22 (1978): 281–308, andCrossRefGoogle Scholar“Feuding and Peace-Making in the Touraine around the Year 1000,” Traditio 42 (1986): 195–263;CrossRefGoogle ScholarGeary, Patrick J., “Living with Conflicts in Stateless France: A Typology of Conflict Management Mechanisms, 1050–1200,” in Living with the Dead, 125–60;Google ScholarDavies, and Fouracre, , “Introduction” and “Conclusion,” in Settlement of Disputes, 1–5, 207–40;Google Scholar Wendy Davies, “People and Places in Dispute in Ninth-Century Brittany,” in ibid., 65–84; Paul Fouracre, “‘Placita’ and the Settlement of Disputes in Later Merovingian Francia,” in ibid., 23–43; Janet L. Nelson, “Dispute Settlement in Carolingian West Francia,” in ibid., 45–64; Patrick Wormald, “Charters, Law, and the Settlement of Disputes in Anglo-Saxon England,” in ibid., 149–68. See also above n. 4 and below nn. 6–8.

6. Alemannia: Borgolte, Michael, Geschichte der Grafschaften Alemanniens in Fränkischer Zeit (Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 1984)Google Scholar; McKitterick, Rosamond, The Carolingians and the Written Word (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 77–134.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Bavaria: Jahn, Ducatus; Brown, Unjust Seizure. Burgundy: Rosenwein, Barbara H., To Be the Neighbor of Saint Peter: The Social Meaning of Cluny's Property, 909–1049 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1989)Google Scholar; Cheyette, Fredric L., “Some Reflections on Violence, Reconciliation, and the ‘Feudal Revolution,’”in Conflict in Medieval Europe, 243–64;Google Scholar Stephen D. White, “Tenth-Century Courts at Mâcon and thePerils of Structuralist History: Re-reading Burgundian Judicial Institutions,” in ibid., 37–68. See also Geary, Patrick J., Phantoms of Remembrance: Memory and Oblivion at the End of the First Millennium (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), 81–114Google Scholar.

7. See Rosenwein, Neighbor; Brown, Warren, “The Use of Norms in Disputes in Early Medieval Bavaria,” Viator 30 (1999): 15–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Unjust Seizure; Hans Hummer, Politics and Power. Patzold, , in his work with narrative sources, comes to a similar conclusion: “… Inter pagensium,” 85, 92, 98–99Google Scholar.

8. For the debate over the “feudal revolution,” see above all: Poly, Jean-Pierre and Bournazel, Eric, La mutation féodale Xe–XIIe siècles, 2d ed. (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1991)Google Scholar; Barthélemy, Dominique, “La mutation féodale a-t-elle eu lieu?” Annales ESC 47, no. 3 (1992): 767–77;Google ScholarBisson, Thomas N., “The ‘Feudal Revolution,’” Past and Present 142 (1994): 6–42;CrossRefGoogle ScholarBarthélemy, Dominique and White, Stephen D., “Debate: The ‘Feudal Revolution.’ Comment 1, Comment 2,” Past and Present 152 (1996): 196–223;Google ScholarReuter, Timothy, Wickham, Chris, and Bisson, Thomas N., “Debate: The ‘Feudal Revolution.’ Comment 3, Comment 4, Reply,” Past and Present 155 (1997): 177–225.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For a summary of the debate, see Brown, and Górecki, , Conflict in Medieval Europe, 26–33Google Scholar.

9. Edition: Formulae merowingici et karolini aevi, ed. Zeumer, K., Monumenta Germania Historica, Legum Sectio 5 (Hanover: Hahn, 1886)Google Scholar.

10. See the more detailed discussion of the formula collections at n. 13 below.

11. Courts: see, for example, Formulae, Marculfi, in Formulae merowingici et karolini aevi, 32–112Google Scholar at I/25, 58–59 and I/28, 60 [cf. the edition and French translation of Marculf's formulas by Uddholm, A.: Marculfi formularum libri duo (Uppsala: Eranos, 1962)Google Scholar; I have chosen to rely on the MGH edition]; Formulae Salicae Lindenbrogianae, in ibid., 265–84, at nr. 21, 282. Settlement: see interalia Marculfi Formulae, II/18, 88–89; Formulae Salicae Lindenbrogianae nr. 16, 277–78.

12. See below at n. 55.

13. Cf. Buchner, R., Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen im Mittelalter. Beiheft: Die Rechtsquellen (Weimar: Hermann Böhlaus Nachfolger, 1953), 49–55;Google ScholarClassen, P., “Fortleben und Wandel spätrömischen Urkundenwesens im frühen Mittelalter,” in Recht und Schrift im Mittelalter, 13–54, esp. 15; the glossary toGoogle ScholarDavies, and Fouracre, , Settlement of Disputes, s.v. “Formula and Formulary,” 271Google Scholar; Lexikon des Mittelalters (Munich:Artemis Verlag, 1987),Google Scholar s.v. “Formel, -sammlungen, -bücher”; McKitterick, , Written Word, 25Google Scholar; Wood, Ian, “Administration, Law and Culture in Merovingian Gaul,” in The Uses of Literacy in Early Medieval Europe, ed. McKitterick, Rosamond (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 63–81, esp. 64–65;Google ScholarLauranson-Rosaz, Christian and Jeannin, Alexandre, “La résolution des litiges en justice durant le haut Moyen Aĝe: L'exemple de l'apennis à travers les formules, notamment celles d'Auvergne et d'Angers,” in Le règlement des conflits au Moyen Âge, 21–33, esp. 23–25;Google ScholarBrown, Warren, “When Documents Are Destroyedor Lost: Lay People and Archives in the Early Middle Ages,” Early Medieval Europe 11, no. 4 (2002): 337–66.CrossRefGoogle Scholar I reached the count of about forty formula manuscripts by adding up the manuscripts used by Zeumer in his MGH edition of the formulas (as above n. 9), plus the B2 manuscript of Marculf used by Uddholm (as above n. 11), which was unknown to Zeumer. I did not include in this count manuscripts containing only a few (less than three) formulas.

14. For examples, see the information given on specific formula manuscripts below.

15. Cf. Buchner, , Rechtsquellen, 50Google Scholar.

16. See, for example, Collectio Pataviensis nr. 2 (as n. 29 below); Formulae Turonenses vulgo Sirmondicae dictae, in Formulae merowingici et karolini aevi, 128–65, nr. 28.

17. See Chris Wickham, “Land Disputes and Their Social Framework in Lombard-Carolingian Italy, 700–900, in Settlementof Disputes, 105–24 at 105 for a particularly good articulation of this problem. On the sparse but nevertheless definite evidence for charters and archives kept by lay people, see Brown, “When Documents Are Destroyed or Lost;” Kosto, Adam, “Laymen, Clerics, and Documentary Practices in the Early Middle Ages: The Example of Catalonia,” Speculum 80, no. 1 (2005): 44–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

18. See Classen, P., “Fortleben und Wandel spätrömischen Urkundenwesens,” 15Google Scholar; McKitterick, , Written Word, 25Google Scholar; Wood, , “Administration, Law and Culture,” 64–65;Google ScholarDepreux, Philippe, “La tradition manuscrite des “Formules de Tours” et la diffusion des modèles d'actes aux VIIIe et IXe siècles,” Annales de Bretagne et des Pays de l'Ouest 111, no. 3 (2004): 55–71 at 58Google Scholar.

19. Constable, Giles, Letters and Letter-Collections. Typologie des sources du moyen âge occidental, fasc. 17, A-II (Turnhout: Brepols, 1976), 11Google Scholar.

20. See Constable, , Letters and Letter-Collections, esp. 11–16 and 30–31;Google ScholarIan Wood, “Letters and Letter-Collections from Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages: The Prose Works of Avitus of Vienne,” in The Culture of Christendom: Essays in Medieval History in Commemoration of Denis L. T. Bethell, ed. Meyer, M. A. (London: Hambledon Press, 1993), 29–43;Google ScholarMersiowsky, Mark, “Regierungspraxis und Schriftlichkeit im Karolingerreich: das Fallbeispiel der Mandate und Briefe,” in Schriftkultur und Reichsverwaltung unter den Karolingern, ed. Schieffer, Rudolf (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1996), 109–66CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Garrison, Mary, “Send More Socks': On Mentality and the Preservation Context of Medieval Letters,” in New Approaches to Medieval Communication, ed. Mostert, Marco (Turnhout: Brepols, 1999), 69–99CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

21. Mersiowsky, “Regierungspraxis und Schriftlichkeit.”

22. Garrison, “Send More Socks.”

23. Andecavensis, Formulae, in Formulae merowingici et karolini aevi, 1–25;Google Scholar Fulda, Hessische Landesbibliothek, D1. See Zeumer, , “Ueber die älteren fränkischen Formelsammlungen,” Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde 6 (1880): 9–115, here 91–95;Google ScholarBuchner, , Rechtsquellen, 49Google Scholar; Bischoff, Bernhard, Die südostdeutschen Schreibschulen und Bibliotheken in der Karolingerzeit, vol. 1, Die bayerischen Diözesen (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1974), 258Google Scholar; Bergmann, Werner, “Die Formulae Andecavenses, eine Formelsammlungauf der Grenze zwischen Antike und Mittlelalter,” Archiv für Diplomatik 24 (1987): 1–53;Google ScholarLauranson-Rosaz, Christian and Jeannin, Alexandre, “La résolution des litiges en justice,” 24Google Scholar and 29 (where the authors, for no clear reason, date these formulas to the seventh century). I thank Philippe Depreux for the last two references.

24. Cf. Wood, , “Administration, Law and Culture,” 64–65Google Scholar.

25. The formulas have been used most visibly in this way by Ian Wood. See, for example, “Administration, Law and Culture,” 64–65 and “Teutsind, Witlaic and the History of Merovingian Precaria,” in Property and Power in the Early Middle Ages, ed. Davies, Wendy and Fouracre, Paul (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 31–52, esp. 43–47CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

26. The manuscripts I deal with here: Copenhagen, Kongelige Bibliotek, Gl. Kgl. Saml. 1943 (southern France, late ninth century); Leiden, BPL 114 (Bourges, ca. 800); Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 4650 (ca. Salzburg, late ninth century) and Clm 19410 (Passau, mid ninth century); Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Lat. 2123 (Flavigny? late eighth/early ninth century), 4627 (Tours, ca. 800–825), and 13686 (France? ninth century); St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, Cod. 550 (southern Germany, ninth century); Vatican, Reg. Lat. 612 (ca. Paris or Tours, late ninth/early tenth century).On each manuscript, see the literature given in the relevant notes below.

27. For the specific scholarship supporting this claim, see the notes to the individual formulas examined below.

28. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 19410; Pataviensis, Collectio, in: Formulae merowingici etkarolini aevi, 456–60Google Scholar at 456–57. See the Catalogus codicum latinorum bibliothecae regiae Monacensis, ed. Halm, Carolus, Keinz, Fridericus, Meyer, Gulielmus, and Thomas, Georgius, Tomi II Pars III (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1969)Google Scholar [unchanged reprint of the edition Munich 1878]; Bischoff, , Schreibschulen, 1:155Google Scholar and 163–64; Franz Brunhölzl, , Studien zum geistigen Lebenin Passau im achten und neunten Jahrhundert (Munich:Wilhelm Fink, 2000), 28–45Google Scholar.

29. Collectio Pataviensis (as above n. 28), no. 2; Clm 19410, p. 42.

30. Inclito et amabili domino comiti ego perennem in Domino salutem. Peto bonitatem vestram, ut memores sitis mei tam in facie regis quam magistrorum eiusque fidelium, et bene de me loqui, sicut promisistis mihi et vestra confido ubique caritate, mihique vestrum servitium iniungere dignemini. Venit ad nos homo noster N. et narravit, quod homines vestri N. domum eius infringerent et boves furto nocturno furarent. Ideo misimus eum ad vos cum indiculo nostro ac petimus, ut pleniter iustitiam ei fieri iubeatis, sicut vultis, ut et nos de vestro homine faciamus. Quidam homo vester N. ante altare sancti Stefani venit et ibi querebat auxiliam, eo quod occiderit alium hominem vestrum necessitate conpulsus, sicut iste nobis referebat ex ordine, petivitque, ut sibi wergeltum eius conponere licuisset. Ideo precamur, ut, quia auxilium ab isto loco quesierat, misericordiavestra ab eo non recedat, et delicta peremendet.

31. The formula identifies the victim as the bishop'shomo. In this period, being the homo of someone else implies a spectrum of meanings that ranges from “slave” to “free vassal” or “client.” See Mediae Latinitatis Lexicon Minus, ed. Niermeyer, J. F. and Kieft, C. van de, 2d ed., revised by Burgers, J. W. J. (Leiden: Brill, 2002)Google Scholar s.v. homo. I am interpreting the word here to mean that the victim was a free dependant or client of the writer, because in general the formulas make it very clear when they are dealing with unfree people; see, for example: Collectio Pataviensis (as above n. 28), no. 7 (servus).

32. These men are also called homines.

33. On the tactical use of sanctuary, see Hyams, , Rancor and Reconciliation, 96Google Scholar.

34. Although the phrase sicut vultis is in the present indicative, suggesting that the count actively wishes the bishopto intercede for his man, I read it as if it were in the subjunctive; what follows indicates that the count will not know about the bishop's intercession until he receives this letter.

35. Cf. the comments by Zeumer in Collectio Pataviensis (as above n. 28), 456.

36. Formulae Alsaticae. 1. Morbacenses, Formulae, in Formulae merowingici et karolini aevi, 329–37 (774–791), no. 1. Ms. = St. Gall 550, pp. 146–61,Google Scholar at p. 146. See Zeumer's introduction to Formulae Morbacenses (as above), 329–30; Zeumer, Karl, “Ueber die alamannischen Formelsammlungen,” Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde 8 (1883): 473–553;Google ScholarBuchner, , Rechtsquellen, 54Google Scholar; Die Handschriften der Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen, 1, Pt. IV: Codices 547–669, ed. Scarpatetti, Beat Matthias von (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2003), 11–16Google Scholar(for this last reference I thank Gesine Jordan and Peter Erhart). Cf. Formulae Morbacenses (as above), nos. 10 and 16; Formulae marculfinae aevi karolini (as below n. 38), nos. 3, 6, 7; Salzburgenses, Formulae, in Formulae merowingici etkarolini aevi, 438–55Google Scholar(mid ninth century), no. 64 (ms. = Munich, Clm 4650, as below n. 38, fol. 82v–83r); Flaviniancensis, Collectio, in Formulae merowingici et karolini aevi, 469–92Google Scholar(late eighth/early ninth century), no. 117f, ms. = Paris, BN Lat. 2123, late eighth/early ninth century—see Bibliothèque Nationale, Catalogue genérale des manuscrits latins, Tome II (Nos. 1439–2692), ed. Lauer, Ph. (Paris, 1940), 329–30;Google Scholar Formulae Augienses, Coll. C (as below n. 42), no. 18 (ms. = St. Gal 1550, as above, pp. 132–33). Zeumer also points out, in his formula edition, p. 116 n. 1, a capitulary of Charlemagne indicating that this sort of thing happened often: Divisio regnorum a. 806, c. 7, Capitula regum Francorum, ed. Boretius, A., MGH Legum section II, pt. 1 (Hannover: Hahn, 1883), 128Google Scholar; cf. the Regni divisio a. 831, c. 3, Capitula regum Francorum, ed. Boretius, A. and Krause, V., MGH Legum section II, pt. 2/1 (Hannover: Hahn, 1890), 22Google Scholar.

37. See, for example, James, Beati Pacifici; Gillett, Andrew, Envoys and Political Communication in the Late Antique West, 411–533 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), esp. 113–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

38. Formulae marculfinae aevi karolini, in Formulae merowingici et karoliniaevi, 113–27Google Scholar(reign of Charlemagne before 800), nos. 4. and 5. Ms. = Munich, Clm 4650 fol. 35r–35v. Cf. Zeumer, , “Ueber die älteren fränkischen Formelsammlungen,” 41–50;Google ScholarBuchner, , Rechtsquellen, 52Google Scholar; Bischoff, Bernhard, Die südostdeutschen Schreibschulen und Bibliotheken in der Karolingerzeit, vol. 2, Die vorwiegend österreichischen Diözesen (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1980), 201–2;Google ScholarBierbrauer, K., Die vorkarolingischen und karolingischen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek. Textbd. (Wiesbaden: L. Reichert, 1990), no. 144, 78–79;Google ScholarKatalog der lateinischen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München. Die Pergamenthandschriften aus Benediktbeuern, Clm 4501–4663, ed. Glauche, Günter (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1994) s.v. Clm 4650.Google Scholar These formulas were also copied into a now lost Salzburg manuscript of the ninth century, whose texts were transcribed by the eighteenth-century Regensburg scholar Frobenius Forster and later edited by Bernhard Bischoff; see Bischoff, , Salzburger Formelbücher und Briefeaus Tassilonischer und Karolingischer Zeit (Munich: Verlag der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1973), esp. 12–13.Google Scholar Their titles also appear in a fragmentary list of ninth-century formula titles from Regensburg, Munich, Clm 29585 (2): Formularum Codicis Fragmenta, S. Emmerami, Formulae merowingici et karolini aevi, 461–68, at 467Google Scholar.

39. Bignonianae, Formulae Salicae, Formulae merowingici et karolini aevi, 227–38Google Scholar(reign of Charlemagne before 774/775), no. 23. Ms. = Paris, BN lat. 13686, pp. 52–53. See Delisle, L., “Inventaire des Manuscrits Latins de Saint-Germain-des-Prés,” Bibliotheque del'Ecole des Chartes 29 (1868): 238Google Scholar; Zeumer, , “Ueber die älteren fränkischen Formelsammlungen,” 83–85;Google ScholarBuchner, , Rechtsquellen, 53.Google Scholar The first half of this formula, with minor alterations, is reproduced in the Merkelianae, Formulae Salicae, Formulae merowingiciet karolini aevi, 239–64Google Scholar(late eighth century), no. 49; ms. = Vatican, Reg. Lat. 612, late ninth or tenth century; see Mordek, Hubert, Bibliotheca capitularium regum Francorum manuscripta. Überlieferung und Traditionszusammenhang der fränkischen Herrschererlasse, MGH Hilfsmittel 15 (Munich: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1995), 1032Google Scholar.

40. Senonenses, Formulae, in Formulae merowingici et karolini aevi, 182–226,Google Scholar here the Cartae Senonicae, 185–207 (768–774), no. 27. Ms. = Paris, BN lat. 4627 fol. 14–14'. See Zeumer, , “Ueber die älteren fränkischen Formelsammlungen,” 69–79;Google ScholarMcKitterick, , Written Word, 45Google Scholar and 48; Mordek, , Bibliotheca capitularium, 482–83.Google Scholar See also the Cartae Senonicae (as above), no. 30.

41. Bituricenses, Formulae, in Formulae merowingici et karolini aevi, 166–81,Google Scholar no. 17 (ca. 800). Ms. = Leiden, BPL 114 fol. 164–165'. See Zeumer, , “Ueber die älteren fränkischen Formelsammlungen,” 79–83;Google Scholar Bernhard Bischoff, “Panorama der Handschriftenüberlieferung aus der Zeit Karls des Grosen,” in: Bischoff, Bernhard, Mittelalterliche Studien. Ausgewählte Aufsätze zur Schriftkunde und Literaturgeschichte (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1981), 3:17Google Scholar; Mordek, , Bibliotheca capitularium, 502–7Google Scholar.

42. Augienses, Formulae, in Formulae merowingici et karolini aevi, 339–77,Google Scholar here Coll. C. (822–844) no. 6. Ms. = St. Gall 550 (as above n. 36), 113b–113c. See Zeumer, , “Ueber die alamannischen Formelsammlungen,” 473–553;Google Scholar Zeumer, introduction to Formulae Morbacensis (as above n. 36), 42; Buchner, , Rechtsquellen, 54Google Scholar; Die Handschriften der Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen (as above n. 36). A formula from the Flavigny collection similarly represents a request by a bishop that a king intervene in a matter concerning oneof the bishop's men: Collectio Flaviniacensis (as n. 36 above), no. 117a.

43. Cf. Brown, Peter, The Cult of Saints: Its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980), esp. 50–68;Google ScholarRosenwein, , Neighbor, 132–41Google Scholar as well as index entries to St. Peter as neighbor.

44. Formulae Augienses, Coll. C. (as above n. 42), nr. 16.Ms. = St. Gall 550 (as above n. 36), pp. 130–31. See also Formulae Morbacenses (as above n. 36), no. 15.

45. Formularum Epistolarum Collectiones Minores, in Formulae merowingici et karolini aevi, 521–32,Google Scholar here II. Collectio Codicis Havniensis 1943 (817–824) no. 10. Ms. = Copenhagen 1943 fol. 67vb–70ra. See Zeumer, introduction to Collectio Codicis Havniensis 1943 (as above), 522; Mordek, , Bibliotheca capitularium, 192–94. See also Formulae Salzburgenses (as above n. 36), no. 57Google Scholar.

46. Cartae Senonicae (as above n. 40) no. 49.

47. Formulae imperiales ex curia Ludovici Pii, in Formulae merowingici et karolini aevi, 285–328Google Scholar(828–840), nos. 49 and 51. Ms. = Paris, BN lat. 2718 (Tours, ca. 830). See Mordek, , Bibliotheca capitularium, 422–30Google Scholar.

48. Formulae imperiales (as above n. 47) no. 49.

49. See Nelson, Janet L., “The Frankish Kingdoms, 814–898: the West,” in The New Cambridge Medieval History, ed. McKitterick, Rosamond (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 2:113–14 and 116–18;Google ScholarDepreux, Philippe, “Le comte Matfrid d'Orléans (av. 815–836),” Bibliothèque del'Ecole des Chartes 152 (1994): 331–74;CrossRefGoogle ScholarBoshof, Egon, Ludwig der Fromme (Darmstadt: Primus Verlag, 1996), 145, 155, 169, and 173Google Scholar.

50. Formulae imperiales (as above n. 47) no. 51.

51. See above, 327 and n. 8.

52. Not that this culture of dispute resolution is completely invisible outside of the formula collections. Matthew Innes, forexample, in a discussion of violence in the Carolingian world, notesseveral letters by Einhard, a leading member of Charlemagne's court circle and a prolific letter-writer, in which Einhard intercedes on behalf of supplicants, some higher status, some of quite low status, who were involved in disputes. See Innes, , State and Society, 129–33;Google ScholarEinhard, , Epistolae, ed. Hampe, K., MGH Epistolae V (Berlin, 1899), 105–45,Google Scholar letters 42, 47, 48, 49, 65. See also the capitulary of Charlemagne cited in n. 36 above.

53. See above, 340.

54. Cf. the literature cited in n. 7 above.

55. See Nelson, Janet L., “Kingship and Royal Government,” in The New Cambridge Medieval History, 2:383–430,Google Scholar esp. 401, 403–4; Stuart Airlie, “The Aristocracy,” in ibid., 431–50, esp. 431–37, 443–47; Chris Wickham, “Rural Society in Carolingian Europe,” in ibid., 510–37, esp. 531–33 and 536, “Debate: The Feudal Revolution. Comment 3,” “Aristocratic Power in Eighth-Century Lombard Italy,” in After Rome's Fall: Narrators and Sources of Early Medieval History. Essays Presented to Walter Goffart, ed. Murray, Alexander Callander (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998), 153–70, esp. 166–69, andCrossRefGoogle ScholarFraming the Middle Ages (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), chap. 7Google Scholar; Brown, , Unjust Seizure, esp. 102–23;Google ScholarInnes, , State and Society, esp. 10, 129, 139, 189–90, 253–54;Google ScholarMersiowsky, , “Regierungspraxis,” esp. 127–37Google Scholar.

56. Geary, Patrick J., “Extra-Judicial Means of Conflict Resolution,” in La giustizia nell'alto medioevo (Secoli V-VIII) (Spoleto: Presso la sede del Centro italiano di studi sull'alto medioevo, 1995), 569–601, here 585–94Google Scholar.

57. See Althoff, Gerd, Verwandte, Freunde und Getreue. Zum politischen Stellenwert der Gruppenbindungen im Mittelalter (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1990)Google Scholar [English translation: Family, Friends, and Followers. Political and Social Bonds in Medieval Europe, trans. Carroll, Christopher (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004)],Google ScholarAmicitia und Pacta: Bündnis, Einung, Politik und Gebetsdenken im beginnenden 10. Jahrhundert (Hanover: Hahn'sche Buchhandlung, 1992),Google ScholarOtto III (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1996)Google Scholar [English translation: Otto III, trans. Jestice, Phyllis G. (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2003)],Google Scholar and Spielregeln (as above n. 1), above all “Verwandschaft, Freundschaft, Klientel. Der schwierige Wegzum Ohr des Herrschers,” 185–98; Keller, Hagen, “Reichsorganisation, Herrschaftsformen und Gesellschaftsstrukturen im Regnum Teutonicum,” in Il Secolo di ferro: mito e realtà del secolo X: 19–25 Aprile 1990 (Spoleto: Presso la sede del Centro italiano di studi sull'alto medioevo, 1991), 159–95;Google ScholarKoziol, , Begging Pardon and Favor, esp. 76Google Scholar; Patzold, “…Inter pagensium.” See also the remarkable article by Catherine Patterson on dispute and patronage in early modern Britain: “Conflict Resolution and Patronage in Provincial Towns, 1590–1640,” The Journal of British Studies 37, no. 1 (1998): 1–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

58. Cf. the comment by Keller, Hagen, “Reichsorganisation,” 200,Google Scholar in response to a question by Pierre Riché, that alsopoints in this direction. Gerd Althoff makes a similar point (with particular reference to people's access to a ruler) for the period of Louis the Pious: “Verwandschaft, Freundschaft, Klientel,” 188.

59. At this point I must mention the challenging suggestion by Steffen Patzold, that dispute processing in Lotharingia in the tenth and early eleventh centuries, in terms of the strategic resort to formal courts, did not differ that greatly from dispute processing in the Carolingian period. See Patzold, , “… Inter pagensium,” 99Google Scholar.