^{page 277 note 1} References in A. Clay, Personal Names of the Cassite Period.

^{page 277 note 2} This form had already been found in fragments published by Scheil in Chantre, Mission en Cappadoce (1898), p. 61, ii, 7, and by Sayce, PSBA. (1912), p. 1037, ii, 3 and 7 ; but the correct transcription was not yet known.

^{page 278 note 1} Forrer, Boghazköi-Texte in Umschrift, i, p. 16 (vocalization with i / e also possible).

^{page 279 note 2} “ Ιππα seems, according to Kern's art. in Pauly, to be corruption of “ Ιπτα; but per se it could be a genuine variant, since the cuneiform texts have both Ḫepat and Ḫe/ipa.

^{page 278 note 3} Greek he-Pteria could also be explained as false analysis of Heptara.

^{page 280 note 1} Arinna = well (Schroeder, OLZ. 1917, 197) or perhaps lake (cf. aruna = sea, Somer, OLZ. 1921, 197). Pools are commonly connected with the Sun. Cf. the various ‘uyūn šems, and the reference in the inscription of Pianḫi (1. 102) to the present ‘ain šems of Heliopolis, where “ R washes his face ”, which explains all “ayūn šems ; the Sun's face is seen in pools, which thus, more than other places on earth, seem to contain a presence of the Sun. Arinna might be sought at Limnai, Göljik, not far from Garsaura, the old capital. (Phreata in the same region—named from deep wells there according to a conjecture of Ramsay, Hist. Geog., 284—seems less suitable.) The Arini of Tig.-Pil. I may be elsewhere. The name is likely to have been common. Aranis on the road (Ptol., Ant.) between Euphrates and Comana Capp. might be considered.

^{page 280 note 2} Cf. the third observation about the god, MDOG. 39¹; it suits the references in the Yuzgat tablet. Hitt. binu = son. It is therefore tempting to conjecture that tel = Sun. Now ταλως = ἥλιοσ according to Hesychius; cf. also Paus. iii, 20, 4, ἄκρα το ταϋγτου, ταλετν, sacred to the Sun (A. Fick, Vorgriech. Ortsnamen, pp. 90, 114). The Aegean language would thus be akin to Hittite. “ Son of the Sun ” would be an entirely suitable name for the Hitt. king named Telibinus.

^{page 281 note 1} Not excluding, however, traces of her solar character; cf. Garstang, , Liverpool Annals, vi, 114 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 281 note 2} Cf. e.g. the Eg. name of the land, Ḫrw ; the םידח; the ethnological evidence of the Jewish type ; the evidence of the O. T. as to “ Hittites ” in Palestine ; etc. See Ungnad, A., Kulturfraqen, Hft. i, 7Google Scholar; Albright, Journ. Soc. Orient. Research, 1923, 5, etc.

^{page 282 note 1} I omit qualifications of the h ; there is some uncertainty, I suppose, as to both the Ḫarrian h and the ח of חכ (Νωε; but Νωχος in Jos., and the etymology in Gen. v, 29, suggests ).

^{page 282 note 2} Gen. v, 29, M. T. חכ is explained by . Possibly this goes back to a time when the name was e.g. Nōhem < Nahmo.

^{page 282 note 3} So already Chesney, Expedition to the Euphrates, i, 267. On our hypothesis Pišon and Giḥon would be Hebraized forms of the unknown Ḫarrian names of these rivers (e.g. Pišon a Hebraized Ḫarrian word for red, translating the contemporary Kanisian name, which is synonymous with the modern Kizil Irmak).

^{page 283 note 1} The same word appears perhaps in κυβλη(< Ḫub/wil- < Ḫalwil-) = the Halwian goddess ; and in Halys, the river of the Halwian land, which land may be Ἀλβη (< Halb/wi), Il. ii, 857.

^{page 283 note 2} KBo. i, 1, Rev. 24 f., 55 f. Cf. also ^dMitra-šn-ul = ^dUD (CT., xxv, 25, 10). It is not necessary to discuss the significance of these terminations; the fact that they exist suffices.

^{page 284 note 1} Apparently the cup is blessed in one representation. It is worth noticing that the ritual at Boghazköi included something like a blessing of bread and wine (ZDMG. 190, etc.), though the formula in these cases was Balaic, not Ḫarrian.