^{page 269 note 1} Vide Archelai et Manetis Disputatio: ed. Zacagnii, , 1 p., 93.4 ppGoogle Scholar. This work, written originally in Syriac, I refer to, because it is Cyril's and Epiphanius's authority for their notices of Scythianus. Cyril says this heresy sprang up in the reign of Probus (A.D. 276–82), Catechesis, vi., 20.

^{page 269 note 2} απο της Σαρακηνς ρμωμενου κατα δε τα τερματα της παλαιστηνης, τοντέοτιεν τη Αρραβιᾳ, ανατραφεντος' οὑτος Σκυθιανος εν τοις προειρημενοις τοποις παιδενθεις την ‘ὑλληνψν γλωσσαν την των γραμματων παιδειαν’ Epiphan. Ad. Hæres, L. II., 66, l§, 618 p., I. v.

^{page 269 note 3} “Valde dives ingenio et opibus, sicut hi qui sciebant eum per tradittonem nobis quoque testificati sunt.” Archelaus, ib.

^{page 269 note 4} Epiphanius, who writes with theological bitterness throughout, alone alludes to his Indian acquirements, but makes him little better than an Indian juggler: και γαρ γοης ηυ απο της των Ινδων Αιγυπτων και εθνομνθον σοøιας ib., 3§.

^{page 269 note 5} πλουτῳ πολῳ επαρθεις κτημασìν δυσματων τοις αλλυιρ τοις απο της Ινδιας, ελθων περι την θηβαιδα εις 'ϒ ψηλην. Epiph., ib., 2§.

^{page 270 note 1} “Quæ earn suasit habitare in Ӕgypto magis quam in desertis.” Archelaus, ib., and Cyril, C. vi. c xxii., την Αλεξανδρειαν οικησας, he thue locates him in Alexandria. Ib., 184 p., I. Reischl., ed.

^{page 270 note 2} “In quâ provineia cum . . . . habitaret, Egyptiorum sapicntiam didiscisset.” Archelaus, ib.

^{page 270 note 3} Epiphanius, 2 § ib. and Cyril assert that Scythianus wrote these books, Arehelaus, on the other hand, that Terebinthus was their author. These books Mysteriorum, Capitulorum, Evangelium, (ου χριστου πραξεις περιεχουσαν, Cyril, ib.) et novissimum omnium Thesaurum appellavit.” Archelaus, ib.

^{page 270 note 4} Επειδη δε ακηκοει πως ι Προøηται νομς περι της του κοσμου συσταɛεως, &c. Epiphanius, ib. 3§: “Placuit Scythiano discurrere in Judæam, ut ibi congrederetur airo cum omnibus quicunque ibi videbantur doctores.” Archelaus, ib. Cyril merely mentions that he went to Judæa and polluted the country by his presence: λυμηνασθαι την χωραι ib.

^{page 270 note 5} Epiphanius will have it that he fell from the house-top and so died—the death also of Terebinthus. Archelaus merely says that arrived in Judea he died; and Cyril, that he died of a disease sent by the Lord, τον νοσῳ θανατωσας ó Κυριοç ib.

^{page 270 note 6} Terebinthus dicens omni se sapientia Ægyptiorum repletum et vocari non jam Terebinthum seb alium Buddam nomine, sibique hoc nomen impositum, exquâdam antem virgine natum se esse, silul et ab Angelo in montibus enutritum. Archelaus, 97 p. Epiphanius asserts that he took the name of Buddha, ιυα μη καταøωοος Υενηιαι, ib. Cyril, omitting the virgin birth, that he took it because he was known, and condemned in Judæa for his doctrine, ib. 23§. But Petrus Siculus, A.D. 730, and Photius, 890, give further details: Ὁ μεν Σκυθιανος ετολμηση Πατερα έαντου οιομασαι ó δε Βονδδαç úιον θεον Πατρος, εκ παρθενου δε γεγενησθα εν οις ορεσιν ανατρεøεσθαι 'Oθεν δωδεκα μαθηταç ó αυτχριστοç τηç πλανης κηρυκας απεστειλεν. Reischl, note to Cyril, ib.

^{page 270 note 7} Besides this Buddha, Terebinthus, there is a second Buddas, Baddas, or Addas, one of the twelve disciples of Manes, who preached his doctrine in Syria; and a third Bud or Buddas Periodeutes, who lived A D. 570: “Christianorum in Persidi finitimisque Indiarum regionibus curam gerens. Sermonem Indieum coluisse dicitur, ex quo librum Calilagh et Damnagh (Kalilah va Dimna, de bonis moribus et apta conditione animi.—Geldemeister de Rebus Ind., 104 p.) Syriace reddidit.” Asseman. Bib. Orientalis, III. 219 p. but as the work had been already translated into Persian by order of Ghardes (A.D. 531–579) “Syriacam versionem proxime post Persicam fecit Bud Periodentes.” Asseman. ib., 222 p.

^{page 271 note 1} “Contra Jovianum Epistolæ, Pt. I., Tr. II., c. 26: “A pud Gymnosophistas inde quasi per manus hujus opinionis traditur auctoritas, quod Buddam principem dogmatis eorum e latere suo virgo generavit.”

^{page 271 note 2} According to the Nepaulese “Neither Adi Buddha nor any of the Paneha1 Buddha Dbyani . . . . were ever conceived in mortal womb, nor had they father or mother, but certain persons of mortal mould have attained to such excellence . . . . as to have been gifted with divine wisdom . . . . and these were . . . . Sakya Sinha,” Hodgson, Buddhist Rel., 68 p. And the Thibetan books from the Sanskrit, among the qualities required of the mother of Buddha place this one: “elle n'a pas encore enfanté,” to which Foucaux appends this note: “Mais il ‘est pas dit qu’ ellesera vierge.” Hist, de Bouddha.tr. de Poilcaux. The Singhalese: “Our Vanquisher was the son of Suddhadana and Maya,” Mahawanso, Turner, p. 9, Upham, 25 p. Indeed the Virgin mother seems strange the Indian mind, vide Birth of Parasu-Rama, Maurice, Ant. Ind., II. 93, and of Christina, Harivansa, Lect. 59, Langlois. According to the Mongols “Soudadani . . . . epousa Maha-mai, qui, quoique vierge, conςut par l' influence divine un fils le 15 du dernier mois dété,” Klaproth', Mem. sur l'Asie, II., 61p. Whether, however, the Tartars borrowed the idea from the Christians or it original among them may be a question. For I find among the Mongols that Alankava, the ancestress of three great Tartar tribes, after a certain night vision, “se trouva fort surprise de cette apparition; mais elle le fut beaucoup plus, lorsq'elle appercut qu'elle était grosse sans qu'elle eut connn aucun homme.” Alankava. Diet. Orient., D'Herbelot. And of the great Lao Tseu, who is somewhat anterior to Buddha, the Chinese believe that his mother conceived him impressed “de la vertu vivifiante du Ciel el de la Terre,” Mailla, Hist, de la Chine, xiii., 671 p.

^{page 272 note 1} Indeed I suspect that the Tartars were not at this time Buddhists, for of the Buddhist faith Klaproth writes, “qu'elle n'a commencé à se répandre au nord de l'Hindoustan que 60 A.D.; et beaucoup plus tard (the 7th century id., 88 p.), dans le Tubet et dans les autres contrées de l'Asie Centrale,” U. S., 93 p.

^{page 272 note 2} Τερηβινθυ . . . . μετονομασθντος Βουδδα κατα την Ασσυριωυ ε γλωσσαν, Epiph., ib.

^{page 272 note 3} “Error quoque Indicus Manetem tenuit qui duo pugnantia Numina introduxit,” Ephrem Syrus from Assemann, though as Assemann very justly observes the two hostile deities are evidence not of an Indian but a Zendian origin.

^{page 273 note 1} See, however, Lassen, Ind. Alterthumsk., III., 406 p., who finds traces of the influence of Buddhism in the religion of Manes. 1st. In the two opposite principles of Manichæism. 2nd. In its account of the world's origin. 3rd. In the laws which it supposes determine the several existences of individual souls in their progress towards final emancipation; and 4th. In its final destruction of the world. But without denying that these dogmas may have been borrowed from Buddhism, it must be allowed that they may just as probably be the result of independent thought applied to the great problems of which they are supposed to be the solution.

^{page 273 note 2} Vide Photii Bib., ed. Schotti, 1042 p.: ηκον δε πρς τον Σεβηρον Βραχμαναι κατα την Αλεξαυδρειαν και εδεξατο σøας οικιῳ ιδιῳ, etc. This visit must have taken place, therefore, before Severus took up his residence in Rome, and before his consulship.

^{page 273 note 3} So Onesecritus: εøη δαυτους των περι øυσιν πολλα εξετασαι προσημασιων ομβρων, αυχμων, νοσων, Strabo, xv., I:, 65, and Dio Crysostom, Oratio xlix.

^{page 273 note 4} Hist, du Bouddha, Foucaux trans., 854 p. And compare Vishnu Purana, by Wilson, 205, where Ananta is described with a thousand heads, with the plate in Moor's Pantheon, representing Vishnu on the seven-headed “Ananta contemplating the creation, with Brahma on a lotos springing from his navel to perform it,” Plate 7.

^{page 274 note 1} “Et hæc quidem de prædictis gentibus historicus ait,” Juretianns Geographicus, Descriptio totius Orbis, 21§, 516 P, II., Geog. Græci. Minores.

^{page 274 note 2} Their great age the Carmani share with others: “Cyrnos Indoruru genus Isigonus annis 140 vivere. Item Ethiopas Macrobios et Seras existimat,” Plin., Hist. Nat., vii., 2; Strabo, xv., 15. But their other blessings, that they die each in his turn and know no ills, are their own.

^{page 275 note 1} . . . . “Ubi solis abortu

Vieinos nascens aurora repercutit Indos,” 196,1. borrowed probably from Avienus “primam coquit hauc radiis sol,” 1308, and Dionysius Periegetes, 1110.

^{page 275 note 2} “Cæsaries incompta riget quæ crine supino

Stringitur ut refugo cureat frona nuda capillo.”

^{page 275 note 3} “Eat locus in terrâ diffundens quatuor amnes,” Dracont, 178. The Ganges, pne of these, brings down all sorts of precious stones.–So Eudoxus presents to Euergetes from India aromatics and pre. ious stones: ών τυνς μεν καταøερουσιν όι ποταμοι μετμ των ψηøωρ. Strabo, II. III., 81 p.

“Hic fons perspicuo resplendens gurgite surgit,

Eductum leni fontis de vertice flumen

Quatuor in largos confestim scinditur amnes.”–Avitus, I.

^{page 276 note 1} εθυος, but having before us the opinions of his predecessors about the Brahmans, I suspect we should translate “nation.”

^{page 276 note 2} “Inventum jam eat quod ignibus non absnmeretur . . . . ardentesque in focis conviriorum ex eo uidimus mappas, sordibus exustis splendescentes igni magis quam possent aquis . . . . Nascitur in desertis adustiaque Sole Indiæ, ubi non cadunt imbres inter diras serpentes; assuescitque vivere ardendo, rarum inventu, difficile textu propter brevitatem. Rufus color.” Pliny, xix., 4. Strabo however speaks of it as a product of Eubœa, and in his time also used for napkins: ιν, δε τῃ Καρυστῳ λιθος φυεται ξαινομενη ὑφαινομενη στε τα ὑφη χɛιρομακτρα γινεσθαι, ρυπωθεντα δις φλογα βαλλεσθαι αποκαθαιρεσθαι, x., I. B., p. 383.

^{page 276 note 3} Ἡ δε ὑλη της εσθητος, εριον αυτοφυες γη φυει, λευκον μεν ωσπρ το Παρ'φυλων, μαλακωτερον δε τικτει, δε πιμελη ια ελαιον απ' αυτου λειβεται. ουθ' ιεραν εσθητα ποιουνται, ει τις ετερος παρα τους Iνδους τουτους ανασπωη αυτο, ου μεθιεται γη του εριου. Philost., Apoll. Vita, III., xv., 54 p.

^{page 277 note 1} Vide Plates 54 and 24, Moor's Hindoo Pantheon.

^{page 277 note 2} Of this tract there are two versions, a Greek addressed to some eminent personage not named, and a Latin attributed to Ambrosius, and addressed to Palladius. In the Greek version the author himself visits India; in the Latin it is his brother, Musæus Dolenorum Episcopus, who traverses Serica, where are the trees that give out not leaves but very fine wool, and where he sees the stone columns raised to Alexander, and reaches at length Ariana, which he finds burnt up by the heat, and so hot that water is seen boiling in the vessels that bold it, and who then gives up his journey and returns to Europe. In this first part I have preferred the Greek, but I oftener follow the Latin version as the more full and intelligible.

^{page 277 note 3} Ctesias of the Indian sea: το δɛ ανω αυττς . . . . θɛμοτν ɛιρον ὡστɛ μηιχθυν ζηναι Photius Bib., 144 p. Strabo, of the heat in India says, lizards crossing the road are burnt up, and that water quickly warms, 730 p. This, however, may have been an extravagant mode of speech merely, for Sidonius, almost a cotemporary of Palladius, when urging his friend Donatius to leave the city, says “jam non solum calet unda sed coquitur.” Epist. II., 2.

^{page 277 note 4} I here follow neither the Greek nor Latin version. The Greek: διαπλɛνσ μɛτα πρɛσβντɛνον ταντεν θαλσσαν θαλασσαν κατɛλαβɛ πρωτον Αδονλιν ɛιτα τεν Ανξονμην ɛν υ μν βασιλιτκος τνδων, vii. Pseudo-Callisthenes, Müller, 102 p. and afterwards Απο τμς ɛυρων τινας πλοιαƍιῷ ōιαβαινοντας ινδους ɛμποριας χαριν, ɛπɛιραθμν ɛνδοτɛιραθμν ɛνδοτɛρον απɛλθɛιν, viii., 103 p. The Latin: “In rubiio mari navim conscendens navigavit primo sinum Adulicum et A dulitarum oppidum vidit, mox Aromata promontorium et Troglodytarum emporium penetravit; hinc et Auxumitarum loca attigit, unde solvens . . . . Muzirim pervenit, ib. 103. The Greek version is evidently defective, for it never brings our scholar to India at all, while the Latin traces out an itinerary confused and improbable. For after leaving Adule our traveller makes for Aromata, the most eastern point of Africa, and the emporium of the Troglodytes; but—“ Aduliton . . . . . maximum hic emporium Troglod. etiam Ethiopum;” (Plin,, iv., 34.)—or suppose it some port in the Aualitic Bay, still he is always retracing his steps till he comes to Auxume, an inland town (διɛστμκɛναι τμν Αδουλιν τμς Αυξουμɛωζ πɛντɛαιδακα μɛρων δοζ Nonnosus, 480 p., Hist. Bizant.), whence he sets sail for India.

^{page 278 note 1} Ptolemy knows of the Maniolai and the loadstone rocks, but limits their number to ten, and throws them forward some degrees east of Ceylon, vii, 2, 21 p.; and before Ceylon places a group of 1378 small islands, vii., 4, 213 p. And Masudi, who had traversed this sea, says that on it iron nails were not applicable for ships, its waters so wasted them, 374 p.

^{page 278 note 3} So Fa-hian: “Ce pays est tempéré, on n'y connait pasla différence del'hiver et de l'été. Les heroes et les arbres sont tonjours verdoyants. L'ensemeneement des- champs est suivant la volonté des gens.” Tr. de Rémusat, c. xxxviii., 332 p.

^{page 278 note 3} “Huic quatuor moderantur . . . . satrapes, inter quos unus est maximus cui . . . . cæteri obediunt.” Latin version. These satrapies would be those of Jafna, Malaya, Rohuna, with that of Anarajapura as the chief.

^{page 278 note 4} Ptolemy likewise gives five rivers to Ceylon, ut sap. The Soana, Ayanos, Baracos, Ganges, and Phasis, and after him Marcianus Heracleensis Geog Minor, Didot, 534 p.

^{page 279 note 1} This tract is imperfect. The Greek version sends our traveller direct from Auxume into the interior of Africa, where he was not likely to hear anything about the Brahmins: the Latin, on the other hand, after saying every thing to dissuade bim from the voyage to Ceylon, suddenly and without a hint that be had left Muziris, sets him down in them dst of its angry and excited population. But it is rarely consistent with itself, for 1st. it describes Ceylon on hearsay as an island of the blest, “in quâ sunt illi qnibus Beatorum nomen eat,” and seems to countenance that description, and yet the people our scholar falls among he found a weak, hideous, and inhospitable race. 2nd, It speaks of pepper as the chief produce of the island: “piper ibi nascitur in magnâque colligitur copîa;” but though pepper certainly grows in Ceylon it is not and never has been among its staple productions (Ptolemy, viii., 212 p.) nor to gather it the occupation of its people. But from their name and description, Sir E. Tennent (Ceylon) has identified the Besadæ with the Singhalese Veddahs. Let me observe that the name is unknown to the Latin version and belongs to the Greek, which expressly states that our scholar never went to Ceylon: ου γαρ δεδυνηται ουδ' αυτος εις την νησον εισελθιεν liv., III., vii., ib, and appears there in several shapes as Thebaids, Bethsiads, and Bethsads. 2ndly, that the Besadæ are in Ptolemy a people living in the extreme North of India. 3rdly, that the Besaidæ, except in those great features common to ill-fed barbarous races, bear no resemblance to any Singhalese people. For though, like the Veddahs they are puny, ill shaped live in caves, and recognize a domestic chief, the Veddahs, unlike them, have no king living in a palace, no political existence, and no arts such as the existence of a baker implies.

^{page 279 note 2} Vide from Bardesanes, Jour. Rl. As. Scc., xix. 280 p.

^{page 280 note 1} “In India . . . . December, January, and February are their warmest months; our summer being their winter; July and August are their winter.” Masoudi's Meadows of Gold, 344 p.

^{page 280 note 2} Among the Buddhists: “Quand venait la saison des pluies . . . . les Religieux pouvaient cesser la vie vagabonde des mendiants. II leur était permis de se retirer dans des demeures fixes. Cela s'appelait séjourner pendant la Varcha: c'est-à-dire, pendant les quatre mois que dure la saison pluvieuse.” Burnouf, Hist, du Boud., 285 p. The rainy season, however, is not the same on the East and West of the Ghauts.

^{page 280 note 3} Suidas, s. v. ζραχμανες, has, with a slight alteration, copied this account of the Brahmans. He says “they are a most pious people (εθνος), without possessions, and living in an island of the ocean given them by God; that Alexander came there and erected a pillar (the bronze pillar of Philostratus, As. Jour., xviii., 83 p.) with the inscription ‘I the great king Alexander came thus far;’ that the Makrobioi live here to 150, the air is so pure . . . . The men thus dwell in the parti adjoining the ocean, but the women beyond the Ganges, to whom they pass over in the months of July, &c.” The island of the Indian Makrobioi is probably borrowed from the Atlantic Erythia, where dwelt the Ethiopian Makrobioi according to Euetatius. Com. in Dion. Per., 558§, 325 p., II., Geog. Min.

ντοι μɛν ναιουσι βοοτρφον αμφ' Ερυθɛιαν

Μακροβιων ὑιηɛς αμυμονɛς, ι ποθ' ικοντο

Γηρυονος μɛτα ποτμον αγηνορος. Diony. Perieget, 558, &c, ib.

^{page 280 note 4} Of cotemporaries of Palladius, who in their works have noticed India, I pass over Marcianus Heracleensis (A.D. 401), who as a geographer had necessarily much to say about it, but who as the mere copyist of Ptolemy principally, and occasionally of other writers (Geog. Græc., Min. Pf., 133 p., I. ed. Didot, conf. Lassen, u. s., 288, III), added nothing to the existing knowledge of India: and Justin, Hist. Philip. (Smith's Biog. Dict., s. v., and de Ӕtat. Justini and Testimenta, Valpy'g Delphin ed.), to whom we are indebted for much of the little we know of the Greek role in Bactria and India, but whose history, as an epitome of that of Trogus Pompeius, belongs really to the Augustan age.

^{page 281 note 1} This tract was written about A.D. 400. If the scholar ever existed, he must have travelled and obtained his knowledge of Ceylon some time in the last half of the fourth century, during the reigns of either Buddha Da'sa, from 339 to 368 A.D., or of Upatissa II., A.D. 368–410. From the Mahawanso, 237–9 pp., and the Rajavali, 241–2 pp., we gather, that Ceylon was at this time in a flourishing condition, but nothing which can lead us to suppose that its kings held dominion in India. Fa-hian also was in Ceylon about A.D. 410, and his description of the island quite corroborates the statements of its Sacred Books. Fae-kour-ki, xxxviii., 9. Upham's Sacred Books of Ceylon, I. c, and Tumour's Appendix to the Mahawanso, 72 p.

^{page 281 note 2} For the marriage duties and the respect due to women, v. Menu III., 45–8 and 55–62. For the marriage duties of women, ib. 153, 160, and ix. 74. The ideal of marriage: “Then only is a man perfect when he consists of three persons united, his wife, himself, and his son, and thus learned Brahmins have announced this maxim—The husband is even one person with his wife,” ib. 45. Consequent upon this “A barren wife may be superseded by another in the 9th year, she whose children are all dead in the 10th, she who brings forth only daughters in the 11th,” ib. 81.

^{page 282 note 1} Oυδε καλλος ςλειπε, ει θανεν ς Σατυρος δε

κειτο νεκυς, γελοωντι πανεικελος ιαπερ αιει

χειλεσιν αϕθογγοισι χεων μελιηδυν αοιδην xi., 250.

^{page 282 note 2} . . . . προτερας δ' ερριψε μεριμνας

ϕαρνακον βητηρος εχῳν ευοδμον οπωρην. 290, xii.

^{page 282 note 3} He sends Iris to bid him—

οϕρα δικης ὑδιδακτον ὑπερϕιαλων γενος Iνδων

Aσιδος εξελασειεν. 5, xiii.

But unlike the Iris of Homer, who always strictly delivers her message, she somewhat varies it, and bids him—

ευσεβιης αδιδακτον αιστωσαι γενος Iνδων.

^{page 282 note 4} περι Nικομαδειαν κολπος Aσταϰηος καλειται. Strabo, xii., 48. Nonnos, ed. de Marcellus, N. N., 100, xiv., 7, xv.

^{page 282 note 5} Δηριδης, from δηρι, strife, says Nonnos. The name is probably borrowed from the Bassarics of Dionysius, for Eustatius in his Comm. on the Periegesis (606 v., 332 p., II., Geog. Græ. Min.) observes that the Erythræan king was Deriades, an Erythræan τῳ γενει, but who went to India and bravely opposed Bacchus. And then if Dionysius, as Müller is inclined to think, lived in the first century, it may possibly be either a translation or adaptation of the Sanskrit Duryodhana, from “dur,” bad, and “yodha,” strife, as Professor Wilson, in a paper on the Dionysiacs of Nonnos, As. Res., xvii., suggests, and may have become known in Greece through the Greeks who had visited India, or the Hindus who visited Alexandria. Or as Duryodhana is the oldest of the Kaurava princes and one ot the heroes of the Mahabharata, his name and gome notion of the Epic may (spite of Strabo's hint to the contray, L. xv., S) have been transmitted to Greece by the Bactrian Greeks, whose relations with India were many and intimate. But in this case one name only in that poem, and not the greatest nor the easiest fitted to Grecian lips, has, though all disfigured, found a place in Grecian literature.

^{page 283 note 1} Orontes, Greek form of the Persian Arvanda, from “arvat,” flowing, Lassen, III., 147, or of the Egyptian Anrata. Rougé, tr. of a poem on the exploits of Rameses by Pentaour. Of this river, both Wilson, u. s., 610 p., and Lassen observe that in the belief of Syria, confirmed by the oracle of Klaros, it took its name from an Indian chief who died there, and whose coffin and bones, indicating a height of 11 cubits, were found when the Romans diverted or canalized the river. Pausanias, viii., 2, 3, and see Strabo, xvi. II. 7, 639 p.

^{page 283 note 2} Eustatiiis, u. s., either on the authority of Nonnos or the Bassarics, gives them the same origin: Bλɛμμυɛς υτω καλουμɛνοι απο Bλɛμμυος τινος, ὑς υποστρατηγων τῳ βασαλɛι Δηριαδῃ κατα Διονυσου συνɛπολɛμɛσɛ, (Com. 220 v., 258 p., ib.)

^{page 283 note 3} . . . . . . Δηριαδης γαρ

ου μαθɛφ ουραφιωφ μακαρωφ χορφ, ουδɛ γɛραιρɛι

Hɛλιον και Ζηνα

οινος ɛμος πɛλɛν ɛγχος' δυ ποτοζ ɛστι βοɛιη. 256.

μουνοι ɛμɛ γɛγαασι θɛοι Γαια ϒδωρ. 261, xxi.

^{page 283 note 4} . . . . ορɛιασι μιγνυτο Nυμφαις. 277, xxi.

^{page 283 note 5} The passage scarce occupies three lines—

και ταϰυς ηλασɛ δíφρον Εωιον ɛις κλιμα γαιης

. . . . . . αμφι δɛ πɛτφην

Καυκασιφν λοποɛντα διαστɛιξων κɛνωνα . . . .

Ἡωης φαπαμɛιβɛ φɛζαν 307, Xxi.

^{page 284 note 1} ου γαρ πμιν πολεμου τελος εσσται, εισοκε χαρμης

κτον αναπλησωσιν ετος τετραζυγες Ὡραι.

εσσομενῳ δε

βδοματῳ λυκαβαντι διαρραισεις πολιν Ινδων. 363–7, XXV.

^{page 284 note 2} Those who would identify the different places in the text I refer to M. de Marcellus' notes to the 26th Book of his edition of Nonnos. They will at the same time see how he has accommodated, and I think not unfairly, the names to the Geographies of Ptolemy, &c.

^{page 284 note 3} Гηρειαν, Рοδοην τε και οἱ λεινοτειϰεα Гαζον. Stephan, Byzant., s. V. Гαζος from the 3rd Book of the Bassariks of Dionysius.

^{page 284 note 4} This description of Gazos is borrowed from the βασσρικα of Dionysius (n. 12, xxvi. B. de Marcellus), and from the same source he probably took his account of Gercion and the Sarangii, for Nonnos is of those poets who repeat but do not invent. Stephanos Byzantinus by the way, always quotes Dionysius Periegetes as a historical authority, e.g., s. v. Βρεμυες and Гαζος.

^{page 284 note 5} δαρδαι Рνδικον εθνος ὑπο δηριαδη πολεμησαν διονυσῳ, ως Λιονυσιος εν γ' Βασσαρικων, Steph., 8. V. δαρδας.

^{page 284 note 6} Lassen, u. g., derives Morrheus from μορρεα, the material of the vasa murrhina. Prof. W. H. Wilson, ib., suggests Maha, rajah. Neither derivation seems to me satisfactory,—the first strange and far-fetched, the second scarcely applicable, for Morrheus is no rajah, a soldier of fortune merely, though of high birth, an autocthon: ηλιβατου Τυϕωνος εϰων αυτοϰθονα ϕυλην. 177, xxxiv.

page 285 note * So Scylax. Tzetzes Chil., vii. Hist, 144, 635 1.

^{page 285 note 1} Kαι τοτε Bωλιγγησι μετ' ανδρασι εκταϕος ωρτο. Bassar., Dionys., Stephanos Byz., s.v., Bωλιγγα.

^{page 285 note 2} “The Dandis and Dasnamis Sectaries of Siva . . . . put their dead into coffins and bury them, or commit them to some sacred stream.” H. H. Wilson, Beligious Sects of the Hindus, As. Res., xvii., 176: and in a note: “In the South the ascetic followers of Siva and Vishnu bury their dead (Dubois), so do the Vaisbnara (Varangis?), and Sanyasis in the North of India” (see Ward), all the castes in the South that wear the Lingam, ib.

^{page 285 note 3} εν δε τε Kασπειροι ποσι κλειτοι, εν δ' Aριηνοι. Stephanos, s. v., Kασπειρος, from the Bassar. Dionys.

^{page 285 note 4} Eστι δε και δενδρα παρ' αυτοις μελι ποιουντα ανευ ζωων. Strabo, xv., I., 20, Geog. Min. Græc., 620 p., ii.

^{page 285 note 5} Clitarchus, quoted by Strabo, speaking of the movable aviaries belonging to the Indian kings, says that they are filled with large leaved trees, on the branches of which are perched all sorts of tame birds, and that of these the finest songster is the horion, the most beautiful the catreus: ὡν ευϕωνοτατον μεν τον ῳριωνα, λαμροτατον δε κατα οψιν και πλειστην εϰοντα ποικιλιαν τον κατρεα, xv., I., 690 p.

^{page 286 note 1} Juno drives Bacchus mad. Eustatius in Ms Commentary on Dionysius 976 V., alludes to this madness, probably from the Bassarics: Μαινεται διονυσος Ἡρας προνοιᾳ. Geog. Min., II., 886 p. It is also mentioned by Pseudo Pintarchus, de Fluv. et Mont. Nom., Geog. Min. Græc, II., 663 p.

^{page 286 note 2} ομμασιν ακλαυτοισιν εταρϰυσαντο θανοντας

ια βιου βροτεου γαιηια δεσμα ϕυγοντας

Ψυϰης πεμπομενης òθεν ηλυθε, κυκλαδι σειη

νυσσαν ες αρϕαιην.

^{page 286 note 3} Deriades, xxxvi. B., speaks of the Rhadamanes as ship-builders:

εισαιω Ραδαμανας, τι δρυτομῳ τινι τεϰνη

νηας ετεϳνησαντο φυγοπτολεμῳ. 414 v.v.

but boasts of Indian skill on the sea:

. . . . . . Iνδοι γαρ εθημονες εισι κυδοιμου

ειναλιου, και μαλλον αριστευουσι δαλασση

η ϕθονι δηριοωντες. 465 v.v.

^{page 287 note 1} Aθηνη

δαιμονι βοτρυεντι παριστατο δερκομενουδε

δειματι θεσπεσιῳ λυτο γουνατα Δηριαδης. XL., 74.

^{page 287 note 2} και θεος αμπελοεις, πατρωιον αιθεραβαινων

πατρι συν ευωδινι μιης εψαυσε τραπεζης,

και βροτεην μετα δαιτα, μετα προερην ϕυσιν οινου

ουρανιον πιε νεκταρ αρειοτεροισι κυπελλοις

συνθρονος Aπολλωνι, συνεστιος ὑιɛι Mαιης. XLVIII.

^{page 287 note 3} But compare Gildemeister, Scrip. Arab, de Rebus Indicia, 2, 8, 9 p.

^{page 287 note 4} And the Brahmans heal the wound with magic chaunt, just as in Homer, when Morrheua is wounded:

'θϕρα μεν ενθεον λκος, ὅ μιν λαϰε, δαιμονιη ϰειρ

λυσιπονου Bραϰμηνος ακεσσατε Φοιβαδι τεϰνῃ,

θεσπεσιῃ μαγον ὑμνον ὑποτρυζοντος αοιδῃ. XXXIX., 369.

^{page 288 note 1} Harivansa, I., 68 p. Langlois, tr., Or. Tr. Fund; and Wilson, Hindu Theatre, 332, II.

^{page 288 note 2} Of Morrheus—

νυμϕιος ακτημων, αρετη δ'εκτησατο νυμϕην. xxxiv., 163.

And when he married his daughters, all gifts

δηριαδης απεειπε εγρεμοθοισι μαϰηταις

Θυγτερων εζευξεν αδωροδοκους ὑμεναιους. ib., 169, 170.

^{page 288 note 3} Wilson's Hindu Theatre, 326 and 364 pp., II.

^{page 288 note 4} See the several plays in Wilson's Hindu Theatre, and some observations of Wilson's on the plurality of wives among the Hindus, II., 359.

^{page 288 note 5} I do not, however, know that this inappreciation of Indian life is an evidence of Nonnog's ignorance of the Hindu books, but of his want of imagination. With some play of fancy and the faculty of verse, Nonnos is essentially without the poet's power. His personages are all conventional, and I suspect that no knowledge of India, not even had he trudged through it on foot, would have made them more Indian, more real, and more lifelike.

^{page 288 note 6} In the Hanuman Nataka, nevertheless, the wife of Havana, to animate his drooping courage, offers

“If you command. By your side I march

Fearless to fight, for I too am a Kshetrya.” Hind. Theat., II., 371 p.

^{page 289 note 1} αςθενων νων τυγϰανοντων τῳ τε σωματι, ταις τε οψεσι . . . . πιεζομενων—αλλως τε και της εξωθεν εγκυκλιου παιδιας λειπομενων ρητορικης τεϰνης αμοιρουντων. Lib. II., 124 p. Montfaucon, Nova Collectio Patrum.

^{page 289 note 2} Vide Prolog., p. 114.

^{page 289 note 3} Vide the Plates at the beginning of Montfaucon's Nova Collectio Patrum, Pl. I.

^{page 289 note 4} Vide 133–4 pp., ib.

^{page 289 note 5} The length he computes to be of 400 mansions of 30 miles each, its breadth of about 200, vide 138 p.

^{page 289 note 6} Lib. iv., 188 p., and 186–7 pp,, and 132 p.: εισι δε εν ταυτῃ τῃ γῃ εισβαλλοντες εκ του Ωκεανου . . . . κολποι τεσσαρες . . . . οὐτοι γαρ μονοι οἱ κολποι πλεονται αδυνατου ὑπαρϰοντος του Ωκεανου πλεεσθαι. 132 p.

^{page 289 note 7} εμπριας γαρ ϰαριν επλευσα τους τρεις καλπους τουτους, τον τε κατα την Pωμανιιν . . . . απο των οικουντων δε η και πλεοντων τους τοπους ακριβως μημαθηκως, 132 p.

^{page 290 note 1} Adule ενθα την εμποριαν ποιονμεθα ιον απο Αλεξανδρειας απο Eλα εμπορευομενοι, 140 p.

^{page 290 note 2} Dioscorides ν νησον παρεπλευσαμεν ου κατηλθονδε εν αυτῃ, 179 p.

^{page 290 note 3} Masoudi, in his Meadows of Gold, says of the sea of Zanj “I have often been at sea, as ia the Chinese Sea, the Caspian, the Red Sea. I have encountered many perils, but I have found the sea of Zanj the most dangerous of all.” 263 p. See also from Albyrouny, by Reinaud, Journal Asiatique, Sept.–Oct., 1844, 237–8 pp. But as indicative of the superior experience and enterprise of his age, compare with Cosmas the description of the same sea by the author of the Periplus; he points out its dangers at certain seasons because open to the south wind; and also how the danger may be foreseen by the turbid colour of the sea, and how all then make for the shelter of the great promontory Tabor, 12§, I., 266 p., Geog. Min. Græc.

^{page 290 note 4} Εν ις ποτε πλευσαντες επι την εσωτεραν Iνδιαν (εν τῃ Ταβροπανῃ, εν τῃ εσωτερᾳ Iνδια ενθα το Рνδικον πελαγος εστι, 178 p.), και ὑπερβαντες μικρῳ προς την Bαρβαριαν ενθα περαιτερω το Ζιγγιον τυγϰανευ υτω γαρ καλουσι το στομα του Ωκεανου εκει εθεωρουν μεν εις τα δεξια, εισερϰομενων ημων, πληθος πετεινων . . . . καλουσι σουσφα . . . . ὡστε δειλĩαν παντας, και ελεγον τῳ κυβερνητῃ, απωσε την ναυν επι τα αριστερα εις τον κυλπον, 132–3 pp. And Bαρβαρια κυκλουται ὑπο του Ωκεανου εκ δεξιων, 137 p. And απω της Αξωμεως εώς ακρρων της Λιβανωτοφορου νης της καλουμενης Bαρβαριας, τις και παρακειται τῳ Ωκεανῳ, 138 p. The recommendation to the steersman would, therefore, it seems have driven them further out to sea, unless we suppose that they were just doubling the promontorium Aromata, when it would bring them nearer to the Arabian coast.

⁵ Ως αυτος εγω πεζουσας τους τοπους μαρτυρω. Of the desert of Sinal, 205 p.

⁶ Here Elesboas commissioned him to copy the inscription on the throne of Ptolemy, 141 p.

⁷ εξ ὡν τοις οφθαμοις μων εθεασαμεθα επι τα μερη Αξωμεως εν τη Αιθιοπια, 264 p.

^{page 291 note 1} Vide Prologos II. I have noticed only those places which Cosmas positively states he had visited, but he insinuates a much wider range of travel. Thus measuring the earth's breadth from the Hyperborean lands to Sasus, he says there are but 200 mansions: ακριβως γαρ επισταμενοι, ου πολυ διαμαρτανοντες της αληθειας, τα μεν πλευσαντες οδευσαντες τα δακριβως μεμαθηκως κατεγραψαμεν, 144 p.

^{page 291 note 2} ταυτα δε παραλαβων εκ του θεεου ανδρου . . . . ητοι αυτης της πειρας εσημηνα, 132 p.

^{page 291 note 3} Captain Burton describes the trade at Zanzibar as in the hands of Arab merchants, who bring with them a train of native porters, some of them as many as 200.

^{page 291 note 4} υτη δε ϰωρα του μɛταζιου εστιν εν τῃ εσωτερᾳ παντων Iνδιᾳ κατα το αριστερον μερος εισιοντων τιυ Iνδικου πελααγεος, and a little before, ει γαρ τινες δια μεταξην εις τα εσϰατα της γης εμποριας οικτρας ϰαριν ουκ οκνουσι διελθειν, 137 p.

^{page 291 note 5} For this account of the countries and ports of the East trading with Ceylon, vide 337–8 pp.

^{page 292 note 1} “Mangarat, urbs inter Malabaricas maxima regi gentili obediens.” Geldemeister de rebus Indie, 184 p.

^{page 292 note 2} Calliana: Lassen, Kaljanî; Hippoeura on the mainland, somewhat to the north-west of Bombay.

^{page 292 note 3} Orrhotha, Soratha, Surat.

^{page 292 note 4} To the universal use of Roman gold Cosmas testifies: εν τῳ νομισατι αυτων (Pωμαιων) εμπορευονται παντα τα εθνη . . . . θαυμαζομενον παρα παντος ανθρωπου . . . . ετετᾳ βασιλειᾳ ουκ ὑπαρϰει το τοιουτο, 148 p.

^{page 292 note 5} Ibn Batoutah similarly speaks of Calicut, the great emporium of his day. “Un des grands ports du Malabar. Les gens de la Chine, de Java, de Ceylon, des Maldives, da Yaman, et du Fars s'y rendent, et les trafiquants de diverges régions s'y réunissent. Son port est au nombre des plus grands du moude,” iv., 89. Dufrémery, tr.

^{page 292 note 6} Vide 140 p. and 338 p.

^{page 292 note 7} Vide 339 p.

^{page 292 note 8} διατεμνει ουν πολλα διαστηματα δια τηςιοδου ερϰομενος απο ζινιτζας επι Περσιδα, θεν πληθος μεταξιωυ αει επι την Περσιδα ευρισκεται, 138 p. B.

^{page 292 note 9} ib. “Vaticanus autem Ουννια secundâ manu.” Note.

page 293 note * Ammianus Marcellinus seems to intimate that in his time this road was travelled by Roman merchants: “Præter quorum radices et vicum quern Lithinon pyrgon appellant iter longissimum mercatoribus petitum ad Seras subinde commeantibus,” 335 p.

^{page 293 note 1} Nisibis and Pekin are on the 37th and 40th parallels of north latitude respectively, and the one on the 41st, the other on the 117th parallels of longitude; there are consequently 76 degrees of longitude between them. But according to Cosmas there are 230 stations of 30 miles each, or 6,900 miles. In the same way between Seleucia and Nisibis he places 13 stations, or 390 miles, whereas there are in fact but 4 degrees of latitude. Might then these μοναι απο μιλιον λ' be απο μιλιον κ' of 20 miles, which would pretty fairly give the real distance?

^{page 293 note 2} “L'île de Kalah,” Point de Galle, “qui est située à mi-chemin entre les terros de la Chine et le pays des Arabes.” Relation Arabes, 93 p. It wag then the centre of traffic both from and for Arabia, 94 id.

^{page 293 note 3} αργελλια (336 p., Cosmas). The narikala of the Hindus, and the nardgyl of the Arabs. LVII. Discours Prel. Rel. Arabes: and for an account of the islands, id., p. 4.

^{page 293 note 4} Houen-Thsang (A.D. 648, some century after Cosmas) thus: “A côté du palais du roi s'élève le Vihara de la dent de Bouddha . . . . Sur le sommet du Vihara on a élève une flêche surmontéc d'une pierre d'une grande valeur, appellée rubis. Cette pierre précieuse répand constamment un éclat resplendissant. Le jour et la nuit en regardant dans le lointain, on croit voir une étoile lumineuge,' II., 141 p. Fa-hian, however, who was at Ceylon, A.D. 410: “Dang la ville on a encore construit un édifice pour une dent de Foe. II est entièrement fait avec les sept choses précieuses,” 333 p. Fa-hian thus mentions this Vihara, and, as if only lately built, but says nothing of the hyacinth, probably placed there subsequently to his time, v. Marco Polo, 449, Société Geog., ed.

^{page 294 note 1} Το Ουννων των Εϕθαλιτων εθνος, οὑσπερ λευκους ονομαζουσι. Procopius, de Bell. Pers., I. III., 15 p. Ερθαλιται δε Ουννικον μεν εθνος εισι ονομαζονται .... μονοι δε οὑτοι λευκοι τε τα σωματα ουκ αμορϕοι τας οῃεις εισιν, 16 p., id. The valley of the Indus seems to have been occupied by a Tartar tribe, even in the first century of our æra. Ptolemy calls the lower Indus Indo-Scyth. Reinaud, Mem. sur l'Inde, 81 p. and 104 p.

^{page 294 note 2} Cosmas Indicopleustes. Montfaucon, Nova Coll. Patrum, I., 338 p.

^{page 294 note 3} Τους δε ιπϕους απο Περσιδος ϕερουσιν αυτῳ, αγοραζει τιμᾳ ατελειαν τους ϕεοντας, 339 p. This importation of horses into India, and from Persia, continues to this day, and is frequently alluded to by Ibn Batoutah, those from Fare were preferred, 372–3 pp., II., but they were then subject to a duty of seven silver dinars each horse, ib., 374 p.

^{page 294 note 4} νομισματα, 389 p. The word used by Sopater in the preceding page, consequently a gold coin, see Embassy to Ceylon. Procopius observes that neither the Persian king, nor indeed any barbarian sovereign, places his effigy on his coins, II., 417.

^{page 294 note 5} 339 p., u. s., and compare 141 p., with regard to the Ethiopian elephants from the inscription at Adule.

^{page 294 note 6} και πασᾳν την εκκλησιαστικην λειτουργιαν, 337 p., u. s.

^{page 294 note 7} So also the Relations Arabes of Socotera: “La plupart de ses habitants sont Chrétiens . . . . Alexandre y envoya une colonie de Grecs . . . . ils embrasserent la religion Chrétienne. Les restes de ces Grecs se sont maintenues jusqu'aujourd'hui, bien que dans l'île il se soit conservé des hommes d'une autre race,” 139 p., and gee also note, 217–59 pp., II. v., where Reinaud refers to both Cosmas and the Periplus of the Erythræan Sea; see also Marco Polo, 702 p., Marsden's ed.

^{page 295 note 1} Cosmas goes through the several nations in detail; but having to do only with India I omit particulars. I observe, however, that he gives no Christians to China, though Masoudi says of Canton, in the 10th century: “the town is inhabited by Moslims, Christians, Jews, and Magians, besides the Chinese.” Meadows of Gold, 324, I. In the space of three centuries then Mahomenadanism had penetrated to China. At the same rate of progress Christianity should have been known there in the 6th century.

^{page 295 note 2} For these descriptions vide 344–5 pp., and the drawings at the beginning of II. v. Montfaucon's Nova Coll. Patrum.

^{page 295 note 3} He describes the pepper tree as a sort of vine, very unlike the pepper trees I have seen at Palermo. He probably means the betel. “The betel is a species of pepper, the fruit grows on a vine, and the leaves are employed to wrap up the areca-nut.” Heeren, Hist. Res., II., 294. “The betel is found in the two Indian peninsulas, Malabar and Arracan,” id., 295.

^{page 296 note 1} See supra, note 4, p. 22.

^{page 296 note 2} 339 p. “Autrefois on portait dans I'lnde l'êmeraude qui yient d'Égypte” (Rel. Arabes?), 153, I., 232,11.

^{page 296 note 3} For Auxume, 264 p. Adule, 144 p., id.

^{page 296 note 4} θεν εστν ιδειν εν εκεινη τη ερημῳ του Σιναιου ορους εν πασαί ται καταπανσεσι παντα τον λιθου, των αντοθι, του εκ των ορεων αποκλωμμενον γεγραμμενομ γραμμασι . . . . Ἑβραικοι, ά τονα τινε Iονδαιοι αναγμοντε διηγοντο ήμιν, λεγοντε γεγραφθαι. . . . όυτω, απερι του δε, εκ ϕμλη τη δε, ετει τῳδε, μηνι τῳδε, καθα και παρ ήμιν πολλακι τινε εν ται ξενιαι γραϕονσιν, 205 p. Does he allude to the Nabathæan inscriptions: “qui couvrent les parois des rochers de la presqu'île du mont Sinai.” Reinaud, Mem. sur la Mérène, 12 p., tirage à part; and for these inscriptions, Journal Asiatique, Jan. and Feb., 1859.

^{page 296 note 5} The description of India in Ammianua Marcellinus must be excepted from this censure, v.

^{page 297 note 1} Vide sub vocibus Poros, et Brahmans. Suidas.

^{page 297 note 2} Hist. Comp., 267–8, 1. v., Bonn. Here the description of the Brahmans is from Palladius; of the Macrobioi from the Geography; the story of Candaee from the Pseudo-Callisthenis, III., 23; but whence Alexander's visit to Britain?

^{page 297 note 3} Jesujabus of Adiabene, Patriarch A.D. 650 (Assemann, III., 313 p.), thus remonstrates with Simeon, Primate of Persia: “At in vestrâ regione ex quo ab Eccles. canon, defecistis interrupta est ab Indiæ populis Sacerdotalis successio: nee India solum qua a maritimis reg. Pers. finibus usque ad Colon spatio 1200 parasangs extenditur, sed et ipsa Pers. regio. . . . in tenebris jacet.” Assemann, Bib. Or., III., 131.

^{page 297 note 4} Palladius was himself a great traveller, vide Hist. Lausiaca, 1027 p., as Indeed were the monks and priests of these ages, ib. passim.

^{page 297 note 5} He entered the monastery of Raithu, Elim. Cosmas, 195 p.

^{page 298 note 1} Buddhism and Buddhist practises attracted the attention of the earliest travellers of our age. Vide Carpinus, in Hakluyt, 64,1. Rubruquius, 118, 127–8 ib., Marco Polo, 47 p., S. G. ed., and a summary of what was known of Buddhism in his own time in Maffei, Hist. Indie, 169 p., 12mo. Marco Polo too has given an account of Buddha, 449–50 pp., u. s., with some errors, no doubt, but wonderfully correct and detailed when compared with the short notices in Greek writers. But still none of these early travellers, I am bound to say, connect, or Bee any similarity between the Buddhist and Christian services. Marco Polo only observes of Buddha “si fuisset Christianus fuisset apud Deum maximns factus,” ibid.

^{page 299 note 1} See from Ammianus Marcel, and Eusebius, notes, 297 p., xix. v., Jour. Rl. As. Soc.

^{page 299 note 2} Appian thus describes then Palmyrenes: Pωμαιων Παρθυαιων οντες εϕορισι, ες εκατερευς επιδεξιως ειϰον εμποροι γαρ εντες, κομιζουσι μεν εκ Περσων τα Iνδκα Aραβικα διατιθενται δ' εν τη Pωμαιων, de Bel. Civil., v. ix.

^{page 299 note 3} “Cujus sinus per onus omnes oppidorum est densitas et vicorum, naviumque crebri decursus,” xxiii, 6, 11.

^{page 299 note 4} It had been known from old time. Agatharcides (2nd cent. B.C.) speaks the native boats which from the Fortunate Islands (probably Socotora) traded with Pattala, on the Indus. De Mari Eryth., 103 §. Muller, Geog. Min., J., 191 p.

^{page 299 note 5} εμποριον νομιμον κειμενον εν κολπῳ βαθει . . . . απο σταδεων εικοσι της θαλασσης εστιν Aδουλις κωμη συμμετρος. Periplus, 45§, or 4§.

^{page 300 note 1} The wealth of Scythianus, when it came into the hands of Manes, consisted ϕρυσου αργυρου αλλων (Epiphanius a. Manichæ, 617, I.) showing that Scythianus's journey to Jerusalem, if undertaken primarily in interest of truth, was not without some commercial object.

^{page 300 note 2} Both by his ships on the Red Sea and his fleets of boats on the Nile. Roman ships on the Red Sea we know from Cosmas and Procopius (de Pers., I., 19. 101 p.) Of the traffic on the Nile we may get some notion from ruse employed by Athanasius to escape from his pursuers (Photius, Hoeschiel, 1448 p.). and more directly from the wealth Palladius gives an Alexandrian merchant, ανδρα ɛυλαβην ϕιλοϰριστον, δυο μυριαδας ϰρυσινων πραγματɛυομɛνον μɛτα κατον πλοιων πλοιων ɛκ της ανωτɛρας θηβαιδоς κατιоνтα. LXV., Hist. Lansiaca.

³ I conclude this from a passage in Procopius, already cited in part. Telling of the slaves and adventurers left behind him by Hellestheaus, on his return from the conquest of the Homerites, he says ʋтоς λɛως тερоις тιоιν Eσιμιøαιѱ тω βασιγει ɛπανασтανтανтες αʋтоν μεν εν тινι тων εκειη øϱоʋϱιων καθειρξαν, εтεϱоνδε Ὁμεριтαις βασιγεα κατɛστησαντο Aβραμον μεν ονομα δɛ Aβραμος οὑτος ϰριστιανος μεν εν δουλος δε Ρωμαιου ανδρος, εν πολει Αιθιοπων Αδουλιδι επι τη κατα θαλμσσαν ερϒασια διατριβην εχοντος, Id. I. 20, p. 105. And that commercial agents were of old date may be shown from Relations Arabes, I., 68.

^{page 301 note 1} Vide Journ. As. Soc., xix., 274 p.

^{page 301 note 2} In a Geographical Tract, Totius Orbia Decriptio, translated from the Greek and written A.D. 350–3, Geog. Minor., II., 520, it is said of Alexandria: “Hæc cam Indis et Barbaris negotia gerit merito; aromata et diversas species pretiosas omnibus regionibus mittit.” But another version, ib., “supra caput enim habens Thebaidis Indorum genus et accipiens omnia prætat omnibus”—thus showing that although dealing in Indian wares its Indians were only Ethiopians.

^{page 301 note 3} So called because here the Israelites crossed over the Bed Sea. Cosmas, Montfaucon, Col. Kon. Pat., 194 p.

^{page 301 note 4} Ὁρμοι γαρ της Ερνθρης θαλασσης διαϕοροι, επι τα στομια της Pωμανιας διακεκριμενοι, μεν ις επι την Αιλαν . . . . δε τερος επι το Καστρον Κλνσ ματος αλλως δε ανωτατω επι την Βερνικην καλουμενην, δι᾽ ς Βερνικης καλουμενης επι την θηβαιδα ϕερονται τα απο της Ινδικης ερΧομενα ειδη εκεισε τῃ θηβαιδι διαΧυνεται, επι την Αλεξανδρειαν δια του . . . . Νειλου επι πασαν των Αιγυπτων γην, επι το Πελουσιον ϕερεται, ὑυτως εις τας αλλας πατριδας δια θαλασσης διɛρϰομɛνοι ι απο της Ινδικης ɛπι την Ρωμανιαν εμπορευονται. Epiphanius, a. Hæres., XLVL, 618 p., I.

^{page 302 note 1} τα απο της Ινδικης ερξομɛνα ɛιδη and διɛρξομɛνοι ι απο της Ινδικης. The lighter and more precious wares are expressed by the word ɛιδη, as spices, pearls, &c. It corresponds with the “notions” of American commerce.

^{page 302 note 2} Vide supra, p.

^{page 302 note 3} Many an English traveller might be cited whose habits abroad very much resemble those of Damascius' Hindus. But then we travel for fashion's sake a good deal, because we must; but a Hindu who leaves his country travels because he has in him the spirit of travel; he travels as Mungo Park did, Belzoni, Burkhardt, and many others, impelled by the strong desire to see strange men and strange lands.

^{page 302 note 4} See Gibbon, Decline and Fall, c. xxxvi., sub an. 468, and the extracts from Damascius, in Photius Bibliotheca, 1042 p.

^{page 303 note 1} V. from Malalas, note 4, 274 p., xix., Journ. As. Soc, and Malalas, 484 p.: Ινδικτιωνος ɛγ᾽ πρɛσβɛντης Ινδων κατɛπɛμφθη μɛτα ɛλɛϕαντος ɛν Κωνσταν:

^{page 303 note 2} Malalas, u. s., and 457 p.; also Asseman, Bib. Orient., IV., 452–3 pp.

^{page 303 note 3} Malalas, 483 p. Procopius, de Bello Pers., 104 p. The division of the Indians into kingdoms belongs to Malalas; the slaughter of the Roman merchants and its cause and consequences to both.

^{page 303 note 4} In a.d. 524, vide Asseman, n. s., I., 365, note.

^{page 303 note 5} The converted king Malalas calls Andas, 434 p. Theophanes Adad; Aidog, Asseman, u. s., I., 859, notes 5 and 6. The king of the Embassy, Cosmas, like Malalas, knows as Elesboas. The ambassador I should have thought was Nonnosus, who left an account of his embassy, and from the ambassador, whoever he was (Procopius calls him Julianus), Malalas derived his information, 457–8 pp., ib.

^{page 304 note 1} τοις τɛ Αιθιοψι την μɛταξαν ωνɛισθαι προς των Ινδων αδυνατον ην. ɛτɛι αɛι δɛ ι Πɛρσων ɛμποροι προς αντοις τοις ορμοις γɛνομɛνοι (ν δɛ πρωτα ι των Ινδων νηɛς, καταιρουσιν, τɛ ξωραν προσοικουντɛς την μορου) παντα ωνɛισθαι ταϕορτια ɛιωθασι. Procopius, u. g., 106 p.

^{page 304 note 2} Elesboas having received and entertained Justinian's Embassy, κατɛπɛμψɛ σακρας δια Ινδου πρɛσβυτɛρου δωρα τῳ βασιλɛι Πωμαιων. Malalas, 459 p., and afterwards 477 p., incidentally mentions the Embassy we have been examining: ɛν αυτῳ δɛ τῳ ξρονῳ πρɛσβυτης Ινδων μɛτα δωρων κατɛπɛμϕθη ɛν Κωνσταντινουπολɛι, αυτῳ τῳ ξρονῳ Ιωαννης Καππαδοξ ɛγɛνɛτο ɛπαρξος πραιτωριων.

^{page 304 note 3} The chronology of these times is loose and uncertain. According to Theophanes (Chron. I., 346–7), the christianization of Auxume, and the events which led to it, occurred A.D. 635, and the Embassy with the elephant, A.D. 542. Cedrenus refers it to A.D. 550. Taking then the dates assigned by Malalas, A.D. 530 for our first, A.D. 552 for the second, Embassy, and it is clear that the first Embassy follows too closely on the alliance and engagements of Elesboas, while between these and the second there is too great an interval, to admit of the reasons I have adduced for either one of these Embassies being Hindu. Of Theophanes' dates (he lived early part of 9th century) I scarcely like to speak— the first is so manifestly wrong. But if we take A.D. 542 for the date of the Elephant Embassy, and A.D. 533, Gibbon's, for that of Justinian's to Auxume, then these reasons would be pertinent enough.

^{page 305 note 1} Ƴπο τουτον τον ξρονον τιυɛς μοναξων ɛξ Ινδων κοντɛς γνοντɛς τɛ ὡς Ιονστινιανῳ δια σπουδης ɛιη μηκɛτι προς Πɛρσων την μɛταξαν ωνɛισθαι Πωμαιους, &c. De Bel. Goth, 646 p.

^{page 305 note 2} την των σκωληκων γɛνɛσιν ανηρ Πɛρσῃς . . . . ɛν Βυζανιῳ ὺπɛδɛιξɛν οὑτος ɛκ Σηρων . . . . το σπɛρμα των σκωληκων ɛν ναρθηκι λαβων μɛξρι Βυζαντιου διɛσωσατο, &c. Excerpta Theoph. Hist., 484 p., lived close of 6th century. The seed was brought overland, as the French, to avoid the tropical heats, are now sending it.—Times, May 12,1863.

^{page 305 note 3} ι δɛ Ὁμηριται υτοι ɛν ξωρᾳ τῃ ɛπɛκɛινα ωκηνται προς τῃ της θαλασσης ῃονι, ὑπɛρ τɛ αυτουςαλλα ɛθνη πολλα, μɛξρι ɛς τους ανθρωποϕαγους Σαρακηνους, ιδρυσθαι ϕασι᾽ μɛθ᾿ υς δɛ τα γɛνη των Ινδων ɛστιν. αλλα τουτων μɛν πɛρι λɛγɛτω ɛκαστος ὡς πη υτπῳ βουλομɛνῳ ɛστιν. De Bello Pers., 100 p.

^{page 306 note 1} τα μɛν ουν αμϕι ɛρυθρᾳ θαλασσῃ ξορᾳ αυτης ɛϕ έκατɛρα ɛστι ταυτῃ πη ɛξɛι, ib., 102 p.

^{page 306 note 2} Otesias, p. 80, 4.

^{page 306 note 3} Of Arabia or Arabians settled in Ethiopia. Elsewhere Procopius speaks of Ethiopia as India: Νɛιλος μɛν . . . . ɛξ Ινδων ɛπ Αιγυπτου φɛρομɛνος, &c. De .Ædificiis, vi. I., 331 p., III.

^{page 306 note 4} “Les vaisseaux Arabes n'approchaient pas pour la force des vaisseaux Chinois (Ibn Batutah mans each junk with 1,000 men, 600 sailors and 400 soldiers, iv., 91, French tr.) . . . . construits en général en bois et sans mélange de fer, ils tiraient très-peu d'eau. . . . Les Arabes employaient . . . . dans leurs constructions navales des planches de cocotiers, et ces planches étaient liées entre elles avec des chevilles de bois.” And Rel. Arabes, Dis. Prel., 56 p. “II n'y a que les navires de Siraf dont les pièces sont cousues ensembles,” ib., I., 91 p.; but Ibn Batutah; “C'est avec des cordes de ce genre que sont cousues les navires de i'lnde et du Yaman,” and he adduces as a reason why iron is not used, the rocky bottom of the Indian sea against which iron-bound vessels break to pieces. iv., 121.

^{page 307 note 1} Vide Chinese account of India, from Ma-touan-lin, tr. by Pauthier, Asiatic Journal, May to August, 1836, 213–7 pp. For the date of Ma-touan-lin's birth, v. his Life, Rémusat, Hour. Mélanges Asiat., II., 168, where Rémusat compares Ma-touan-lin's great work to the Mém. del'Académ. des Inscriptions, and observes that De Guignes in his Hist, des Huns, and the Jesuit missionaries in their several works, owe to it much of their knowledge of China and Chinese literature.

^{page 307 note 2} Also tr. by Pauthier, Journal Asiatique, Oct. and Nov., 1839,278,389–93 pp. This account seemingly refers to India in the early part of the 6th century (ib., 274 p.); but it then goes back to speak of the relations which had before existed between Rome and China; how that (a.d. 166) Antin, Antoninus, sent an embassy through Tonquin with presents, and how the Romans in the interest of their commerce travelled as far as Pegu, Cochin China, and Tonquin; and how a Roman merchant, one Lun (a.d. 222–278), came to Tonquin, and was sent on by its Governor to the Emperor, and in answer to the Emperor's questions told of the ways and manners of his country. As Lun and his doings close this short summary of Roman relations with China, I conclude that he was one of the merchants mentioned above, and that they, like him, belong to the period ending a.d. 278, when Roman commerce with the East most flourished,—and as with one unimportant exception no further notice is taken of the Roman Empire, I presume that after this time its commerce with these distant regions entirely ceased.

^{page 307 note 3} When in Bochara (a.d. 1250), Marco Polo meets the ambassadors of Kublai Khan; they press him to visit their master: “eo quod nullum latinum usqnam viderat, quamvis videre multum affectarat,” c. II. And Maffei (Hist. Ind., L. iv.) observes of the Byzantine Turks that in the 15th century the Indian kings called them “corruptâ Græcâ voce Bumos quasi Romanos.” But while this indicates that the memory of Borne survived among the Hindus, it is no evidence of any commerce between the peoples, no more evidence than is the mention of an Indian princess in the romance of (Peredur?) of a knowledge of India among the Cambrian bards.

^{page 308 note 1} Speaking of the inhabitants, the Periplus: ɛισι δɛ ɛπιξɛνοι ɛπιμικτοι Αραβων Ινδων Ἑλληνων των προς ɛργασιαν ɛκπλɛοντων, 30 §, 281 p.

^{page 309 note 1} See supra, p., and the Pseudo-Calllsthenes, III., vii., 103 p., Didot, and Procopius, sup., 88 p. For Ptolemy's Maniolai Geog. Lib. vii., c. II., p.

^{page 309 note 2} De Mari Erythrseo, 103 c., 191 p., II., Geog. Græci Min., ed. Müller.

^{page 309 note 3} το μɛν λον Aραβων ναυκληρικων ανθρωπων ναυτικων πλɛοναζɛι τοιςαπ' ɛμοριας πραγμασι κινɛιται συγχρωνται γαρ τῃ του πɛραν εργασιᾳ Bαρυγαζων ιδιοις ɛξαρτισμοις. 21§, 274 p., I., ib.

^{page 309 note 4} “Ad qualemeq. histories Arabum et Persarum inquit Hemdani notitiam sibi parandam nemo nisi per Arabes pervenire potest . . . . Peragrabant enim terras mercatus causâ, ita ut cognitionem populorum sibi compararent. Pari modo qui Hizam incolebant Persarum historiam, Homeritarumq. bella et eorum per terras expeditiones cognoscebant. Alii qui in Syriâ versabantur, res Roman. Israel, et Græc. tradiderunt. Ab iis qui in insulis Bahrain et terram Ommân consederant historiam Sindorum, Hindorum et Persarum accepimus. Quidenique, in Temana habitabant cognitionem horum popul. omnium consecuti aunt, utpote regum erronum (Sayya'ret) umbra tecti.” Haji Khalfa, tr. Flügel, I., 76, Or. Tr. Fund.

^{page 310 note 1} “The Euphrates fell at that time (the time of Omar, died, A.D. 644) into the Abyssinian Sea, at a place . . . . now called en-Najaf; for the sea conies up to this place, and thither resorted the ships of China and India, destined for the kings of El-Hirah,” 246 p., Sprenger's tr. But Eeinaud, who by the way has no great confidence in Sprenger's accuracy, refers these observations to the 5th century. The passage is alluded to in a previous note, 295 p., Vol. xix., Jour. RI. As. Soc, but incorrectly.

^{page 301 note 2} Relations Arabes, 12 p., which gives an interesting account of the dangers and mishaps to which the merchant was liable, and which, p. 68, shows the commerce with China falling away, and why. In Ibn Batutah's time, in so far as the Chinese seas were concerned, “On n'y voyage qu'vec des vaisseaux Chinois,” iv., 91; but of these the sailors were often Arabs—thus the intendant of the junk in which Ibn sailed was Suleiman Assafady, id., 94; and one of the men was from Hormuz, 96; and I think the marines were from Abyssinia.

^{page 310 note 3} V. Tacitus, Annal., L. II., c. 2.

^{page 310 note 4} Reinaud, sur la Mésène, 13 p., tirage à part.

^{page 310 note 5} Αρταξɛρξης γαρ τɛ Πɛρσης τɛ Παρθους . . . . νικησασ . . . . στρατɛυματι τɛ πολλῳ . . . . τῃ ζυριᾳ ɛφɛδρɛυσας, ЌЈ απɛιλων ανακτησɛσθαι παντα, Ψς ЌЈ προσηκοντα ι ɛκ προγονων, σα ποτɛ ι παλαι Πɛρσαιμɛχρι της Ἑλληνικηα θαλασσης ɛσχον, &c. Dio Cassius: ЌЈ Ξιφιλινον, 80, 3 c.

^{page 311 note 1} Sapor, who followed out the policy of his father, and forbade the use of the Greek letters in Armenia, and promised to make Merugan its king if he would bring it to the worship of Ormuzd (Moses Khorene, II., 83–4 pp., tr.), ordered his servants to throw into the river the rich gifts, μɛγαλοπρɛπη δωρα of Odenatus, and tore up his supplicatory letters, γραμμαατα δɛησɛως δυναμιν ɛχοντα, and trod them under foot, and asked, “Who and what he was who dared thus address his Lord.” “Let him come and with bound hands prostrate himself before me unless he is prepared to die, and all his race with him.” Petri Patricii Hist., 134 p., Byzant. Hist.

^{page 311 note 2} V. Reinaud, u. s., 46–7 pp.

^{page 311 note 3} E. G. of Hindu literature, the Pancha-Tantra.—Assemann, Bib. Orient., III., 222. Plato and Aristotle, of Greek philosophers, &c,—as we may gather from Agathias, II., 28 c., 126 p.

^{page 311 note 4} “On a eu des rapports avec la Perse au temps de la seconde dynastie des Wei” (à la fin du 4ième siècle). Rémusat, N. Rel. As., I., 248. “Ce royaume, a.d. 518–19, payait un tribut consistant en marchandises du pays,” 251 p., ib. “Le Roi, A.D. 555, fit offrir de nouveaux présents,” 252 p.

^{page 312 note 1} Agathias, II. L., 30 c, 131 p., though he speaks of the high opinion held of the Persian rule to refute it.

^{page 312 note 2} Of Aurelian's time, Vopiscus: “libra enim auri tunc libra serica fnit.” Hist. Aug., II., 187. Ammianus Marcellinus observes of the Seres: “conficiunt sericum, ad usus ante hac nobilium, nune etiam infimorum sine ullâ discretione proficiens.” Hist., xxiii, 6.

^{page 312 note 3} The hundred years truce between Theodosius and Bahram concluded A.D. 422. Gibbon, iv., 310 p. The final incorporation of Armenia as Pers-Armenia with the Persian Empire took place at the commencement of the 4th century, ib., 212.

^{page 312 note 4} V. d'Herbelot, Bib. Orientale, s. T., but Theophanes (Hist., 485 p.) seems to place this event in the reign of Justin. Excerp. Hist., 485 p. Corpus Byz. Hist.