^{page 253 note 1} Die Pehlwie Legenden, &c. This Memoir has been translated under the auspices of Professor Wilson, , and published in the London Numismatic Chronicle for 1848, vol. ix.Google Scholar

^{page 254 note 1} De Sacy, , Mémoires sur diverses Antiquités de la Perse, Paris, 1793Google Scholar: 1 Ouseley, W., Observations on some Medals and Gems, &c., London, 1801: Ker Porter, Travels, London, 1821Google Scholar: de Longperier, A., Sur les Médailles de la Dynastie Sassanide, Paris, 1840.Google Scholar The humility of M. De Longperier's prefatory address and the limited results he professed to achieve, secure him from any severe criticism; but my readers have a right to demand that in citing his work I should point out so much of its deficiency as concerns the subject to which this paper is devoted. This is happily confined to the concluding portion of his undertaking, or the five coins in Pl. xii., which terminate his work; these, as has been sufficiently shown by Olshausen, are without exception erroneously interpreted. The reading of Nos. 69 and 70, “Sarparaz,” [properly Aumari, see the 6th Governor, infrâ,] is marked by a note of interrogation, which sufficiently indicates that it was founded on a mere conjecture; but the decipherment of No. 72 is given without any such evidence of doubt, and yet when examined, instead of admitting of interpretation as “retrograde” Pehlví referable to the Queen “Azermi” Dokht, the legend is found to be couched in very intelligible Kufic, and to convey the name of Hámí. The same character on a similar coin had already been correctly read by that sound and accredited Numismatist Professor Fræhn, , and published in the Journal Asiatique of Paris, long previous to the appearance of the Essai Sur les Médailles de la Dynastie Sassanide, (1824, tom, iv., p. 335.)Google Scholar That the memoir which contained the notice of this coin should have escaped M. De Longperier's eye is the more singular, as it is not only accompanied by a plate, which might well hare attracted attention, but in itself entered into a controversy upon the author's interpretation of a Fire-Worship coin, which M. De Sacy, M. De L.'s acknowledged guide, had called in question. Professor Fræhn's paper likewise put forth an approximate solution of the Kufic legend of M. de Longperier's No. 73 , which the latter author imagined might possibly be read as “Roustam.”

^{page 255 note 1} Journal Asiatique, Paris, tom. iv., 1824Google Scholar, and elsewhere.

^{page 255 note 2} See Introduction to Ibn Khallikan, O. T. F. pp. xv, xvi, &c.Google Scholar: Klaproth, , Aperçu de l'Origine des Diverges Ecritures de l'Ancien Monde, Paris, 1832, p. 82.Google Scholar See also De Sacy, , Sur l'Histoire de l'Ecriture chez les Arabes du Hedjaz: Journal Asiatique, 1827Google Scholar; and Marcel's Palæographie Arabe, Paris, 1828, p. 7.Google Scholar Lindberg likewise has some good remarks upon the subject, among the rest, “D'après ce que rapportent les historiens, il faut présumer, que le caractére cufique doit son origine á l'ancien Syriaque ou Estranghélo et au Persan Pehlwi. Les comparaisons, qu'ont faites M. Adler avec l'écriture Estranghélo et M. Kopp avec l'écriture Pehlwi semblent mettre la chose en évidence.” Lindberg, Lettre, &c, p. 36.Google ScholarCopenhagen, 1830.Google Scholar

^{page 255 note 3} Al Makrizi, , Historia Monetæ Arabicæ, ed. Tychsen, O. G., Rostok, 1797.Google Scholar

^{page 255 note 4} De Sauley, M., Journal Asiatique, tom. vii., 1839, pp. 404—502–4, &c.Google Scholar

^{page 256 note 1} Anquetil, , Zend-Avesta, Paris, 1721.Google ScholarSee also remarks on the Pehlví Alphabet, by Rask, M., Journal Asiatique, t. ii., p. 143Google Scholar; and Mūiler's invaluable Essai sur la langue Pehlvie, Journal Asiatique, t. vii., 3e Series, (A. D. 1839.)Google ScholarMajor Rawlinson has also many scattered criticisms on the Sassanian Pehlví Alphabet, Journal Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. X.Google Scholar

^{page 256 note 2} A single quotation such as the following speaks sufficiently to this:—

Tarikh Guzidah, MS. E.I.H. No. 180.

Ardeshír Bábegán, the founder of the Sassanian Dynasty, claimed descent from as well as the kingdom of Darius.

^{page 256 note 4} Baghdad was founded A.H. 145. Madain is “at the distance of one merhileh from Baghdad.” Istakhri, , Ouseley, p. 69.Google Scholar

^{page 257 note 1} Witness Omar's anxiety regarding the result of the battle of Kadesia, (Price, I.) and the so entitled “Victory of Victories” of Nehavend, &c.

^{page 257 note 2} The recorded year of issue, though true in itself, is not always to be relied on in its bearing upon the individual whose name appears on the opposite surface of the coin, as in those early days of mint arrangement, the name of a governor was often retained on the coins of succeeding years, after his actual decease, so that it is occasionally unsafe to quote the later dates of a governor's coinage, though the initial epochs may be taken as fully trustworthy.

^{page 258 note 1} Ockley, , 474. 4791.Google Scholar (Bohn's edit.)

^{page 258 note 2} Ockley, , 141. 271. 287. 346.Google Scholar

^{page 258 note 3} Ockley, , 377.Google Scholar

^{page 259 note 1} Makrizi, , p. 84.Google Scholar

^{page 259 note 2} Fræhn's Recensio, pp. 6 to 16.Google Scholar

^{page 261 note 1} Num. Chron., vol. xi., p. 68.Google Scholar

^{page 263 note 1} The following résumé will put the reader in possession of a general view of the various Inscriptions of the Sassanidæ, as well as supply a concise list of references to the available publications on the subject.

Artaxerxes I. Ardeshír Bábekán. 223, A.D.

a. Bilingual Pehlví Inscription, with Greek translation at Naksh-i-Rustam, explanatory of the associate sculpture (De Sacy, , Mémoires sur Div. Ant. de la Perse, p. 62, etc.Google Scholar; pl. xxil. Ker Porter, 548). Subject: Artaxerxes receiving the oydaris or ancient diadem (K. P. p. 555) from Ormazd after the defeat and death of Ardeván (De Sacy's identification of the figure to the right as Ormazd is proved by the now legible Sassanian Pehlví).

Sapor I. Shápúr, son of Ardeshír. 240, A.D.

a. Bilingual Pehlví Inscription, with Greek translation, identifying the chief figure in the sculpture, (Ker Porter, pl. xxviii. p. 572Google Scholar) at Naksh-i-Rajab, as Sapor I. See De Sacy, , Mémoires, p. 1, etc.Google Scholar and Babylon, Rich's and Persepolis, , London, 1839, pl. xii.Google Scholar

b. The two Pehlví Tablets in the cave at Hájí Abád, near Naksh-i-Rustam (the record of which is yet to be translated), referring to Sapor, the son of Ardeshír, (Porter, Ker, pl. xv. p. 513Google Scholar).

Sapor II. Shápúr, son of Hormø; grandson of Narses. 310, A.D.

a. Sassanian Pehlví Inscription near Kermánsháh, (Porter, Ker, Tackt-i-Bostán, vol. ii. pl. lxviii, p. 188.Google ScholarPersia, Malcolm's, Ták-i-Boostán, vol. i. pl. 3, facing page 258.Google Scholar The contents of the writing merely serve to identify one of the sculptured figures.

Sapor III. Shápúr, son of Shápúr; grandson of Hormuø. 384, A.D.

a. Sassanian Pehlví fellow tablet to the last, and in its turn illustrating the identification of the second figure. See De Sacy, , p. 211, et seq. MémoiresGoogle Scholar. Also, Second Mémoire on these Inscriptions, read before the Historical Class of the “Institut” in 1809. Printed in tom. ii. p. 162, et suivantes. Boré, M., Journal Asiatique, 06, 1841;Google Scholar and M. Louis Dubeux, ibidem, an 1843.

^{page 263 note 2} I am indebted to Mr. Norris, the Secretary of the Royal Asiatic Society, for my knowledge of the existence of these casts, which were obligingly pointed out by him as likely to assist in the elucidation of the particular subject of this paper. Mr. N. had already occupied himself in the transcriptions and comparisons preliminary to a complete decipherment of these monuments, and in the most liberal manner proposed to allow me the use of the materials he had collected. This I for many reasons declined, preferring to work independently from the available fac-similes, which, as has been already shown, were sufficiently introduced for all general palæographie purposes by De Sacy's publications. As I have gone on with my own designedly limited examination of the documents in question, I have at all times freely compared notes with Mr. N., who in most instances is prepared to coincide in my notions. In thus expressing my obligations to Mr. Norris, although I am unable to acknowledge any distinct identification as derived from him, I need only mention his name in connexion with the above facts to show the readers of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society how much advantage I must necessarily have derived from so ready an access to his varied learning and critical judgment.

^{page 265 note 1} Num. Chron., London, 1849.Google Scholar Oriental Legends on Parthian Coins.

^{page 265 note 2} Ibid.

^{page 265 note 3} We have only the six opening lines of the Sassanian tranicript of the Hájí Abád Tablets, but the leading Chaldæo-Pehlví text is entire in our plaster impressions.

^{page 265 note 4} De Sacy, , p. 108.Google Scholar

^{page 266 note 1} The was a letter even then peculiarly liable to be compounded, as it may be seen among the usually isolated letters of both alphabets distinctly joined in the Chaldæo-Pehlví at Hájí Abád, connected by an additional cross-bar with the in this very word ; and in the Sassanian Inscriptions at Kermánsháh, the is invariably joined on to the succeeding in [or ] and occasionally to other letters, where it was desirable to mark the suppression of the intermediate inherent short vowel a.

^{page 267 note 1} Mūller's Essai, p. 294.Google Scholar

^{page 269 note 1} I do not coincide with Major Rawlinson in his notion of the community between the and . Journal Royal Asiatic Society, vol. X., p. 89.Google Scholar

^{page 270 note 1} The u would seem, in the more easterly provinces, to have preceded its subsequent associate into their common present state, inasmuch as I occasionally find n in Nuh with the back tail-stroke, while the succeeding u presents the simple perpendicular line.—See Coin 25, infrâ.

^{page 271 note 1} This is now safe in the possession of Messrs. Harrison and Son, St. Martin's Lane, the printers of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, who freely backed my purchase.

^{page 272 note 1} I reject two of his three , which are mere repetitions; his words are, “Son Alphabet est composé de dix-neuf caractéres, qui ont un rapport sensible avec les Lettres Zendes, et qui donnent vingt-six valeurs; vingt-une consonnes et cinq voyelles.” Zend Av., II. p. 426.Google Scholar

^{page 272 note 2} Taking and as separate letters.

^{page 274 note 1} Ker Porter, Pl. lviii. fig. 8. Ouseley, Observations on some Medals and Gems, Plate No. 6, Rám (Rám Hormuz,) Ann. 36, No. 7, mint and date doubtful. Longperier, Essai, Pls. x. 5., Ann. 26, and xi. 4. Marsden, Pl. xxix., figs. Dxxxiii., Dxxxiv., Dxxxv., Dxxxix.; Ann. 28, 27, 31, &c.

^{page 274 note 2} It has remained up to this time somewhat of an open question whether the final letter of this name should be accepted as an or a : In the former case, it is necessary to understand the affix as the sign of the genitive, or as giving an adjective form to the word; in the latter rendering, the final letter becomes a portion of the name itself, and it is in this sense I am induced to receive it, from observing that in no instance in the later Sassanian medal series is the designation of the monarch made genitive, neither are the names of the Arab Governors, when expressed in Pehlví, ever written with the concluding character in question, unless it is required to connect the name of the individual with his patronymic. Besides this, may be cited the correspondence of the Hebrew and Armenian orthographies of the name, which give severally , (Ouseley, , p. 25,Google Scholar) and Khosrov (St. Martin, , Arménie, I. 412.Google Scholar) And finally the method of writing the name in cursive Pehlví, as quoted by Major Rawlinson, () seems to set the matter definitively at rest. Ouseley, , Medals, &c, p. 25Google Scholar, and Longperier, , Essai, p. 78Google Scholar, adopt the Mūller, , Jour. Asiatique, vii., pp. 335, 342Google Scholar, Olshausen, , Num. Chron. xi. p. 135Google Scholar, and Rawlinson, Journ. R. A. S. x., prefer the . I must not close this note, referring to the word Khusrú, without citing M. Olshausen's testimony of the credit due to Sir Wm. Ouseley for the first identification of this name. “He was the only one until that time (1801), who had succeeded in deciphering a word in the Pehlwie character.” Num. Ch., xi., 136.Google Scholar

^{page 277 note 1} The in these cases answers to . I have retained the most simple form in my Neskhí transcripts.

^{page 277 note 2} And at times.

^{page 277 note 3} I retain the as the equivalent of in this place, in preference to the more strict rendering of , (Müller, , p. 294Google Scholar; Jour. Asiatique, “il exprime alors le ou :) though I acknowledge only one original Pehlvi standard , which in modem Persian transcriptions is frequently replaced by , and occasionally by , notwithstanding that there is the express letter answering to this last; in these cases the would probably be the most appropriate letter to use in reference to ancient articulations, but the now preferred makes the Neskhí transcript look less strange to modern associations.

^{page 277 note 4} 14 is also written and on a coin from mint.

^{page 277 note 5} The in thirty is often omitted.

^{page 277 note 6} I find 33 written on a coin, with the mint mark

^{page 277 note 7} This might perhaps be read as ; but the above is preferable, as it coincides with the Bismillah coin A.H. 49, Beiza; and the though indeterminate in the present case, corresponds closely with the same word in the A.R. 48, Bismillah coins, which cannot by any possibility be rendered .

References to fac-similes of different numbers:— Plate II., fig. a = 1, fig. b = 2, fig. c = 3, fig. d = 4, fig. e = 5, fig. f = 35, fig. g = 7, fig. h = 8, fig. i = 11, fig. j = 17, fig. k = 16, fig. l = 32.

^{page 278 note 1} “Le système monétaire des Perses sous les Sassanides était, pour l'or, l'emprunt de l'aureus romain; pour l'argent, l'adoption de la drachme attique,” p. vi.Google Scholar

“J'ai cru pouvoir en inférer que le poids normal des monnaies d'argent Sassanides était de 79 grains,” p. 7.Google Scholar

^{page 278 note 2} Average of 26 coins in the British Museum, Hormusdaz, Varahran, &c, and 9 Khusrus bearing low dates (1520÷26 = 58·46.)

^{page 278 note 2}

^{page 279 note 1} Price, vol. I., p. 126.Google Scholar

^{page 279 note 2} Makrizi, Ed. Tychsen, O. Q., Rostochii, 1797.Google Scholar

“Quam modo allatam de pecunia Arabum gentilium respectu eleemosynæ, et de ejus in Islamismo confirmato usu, legatus divinus legem fecerat, Abubeker Alzaddik (Justus) fel. mem. ejus successor intemeratam servavit. Cui succedens Abu Hafes Omar b. Alchettab f. m. Ægypto Syria et Iraka expugnatis, de pecunia nihil constituit, sed eam statu suo usque ad annum Hegirse XVIII, clialifatus sui VIIIvum, esse jussit. * * Tune temporis Omar f. m. ipsas eas drachmas ad sculpturam persicam earumque formam, eo tamen discrimine cudi fecit, ut partim: laus sit Deo; partim: Muhammed est legatus Dei; partim: non est Deus nisi Deus unicus, et in lemmate: Omar, iis inscriberet, et decem drachmarum pondus sex Methkalia constitueret. Osman f. Afan f. m. in principem fidelium electus, numos cum epigraphe: Deus est maximus, durante chalifatu suo edidit.”—pp. 77, 79, 80.

“Tria eduntur judicia, quis primus numos percusserit. Judex quidera Abulhassan f. Muhammed Almawardi auctor est, Omarem f. Alchettab f. m. perspecta drachmarum diversitate, quarum aliæ scil. Baglienses VIII: aliæ sc. Tiberienses IV; Magrebbinæ (Mauretanicæ) III Danekis; Iemenenses I Daneko constabant, dixisse; attende ad usualium drachmarum vel meliorem vel viliorem conditionem, et collate Bagliensium et Tiberiensium drachmarum XII Danecorum, Silver. Weight, 57·5 gr. (Six specimens:—1 British Museum, 2 Masson, 3 General Fox).

Obv. Left.

Right (in the older form of Sassanian characters. See fig. 21, Pl. II.)

Marg. (Pl. II., fig. 22.)

REV. Left. = 20 (A.H.)

Right.

(See Pl. II., figs. 23, 24.)

pondere, dimidium ejus, scil. sex danecorum drachmas elegisse; negat tamen Abu Muhammed Hassan f. Abulhassan Ali f. Muliammed f. Abdalmalec f. Algottân in tractatu suo de mensuris et ponderibus, hoc Omaris fel. mem. propositum fuisse, propterea quod in numorum suorum titulo nihil mutasset.”—pp. 146, 147. Price, , quoting the Rauzat al Safá, places the first issue of Arab money in A.H. 21; vol. I., p. 136.Google Scholar See also Habib al Sair, MS., East India House, No. 471.

^{page 281 note 1} This question will be examined in its fit place under the identification of the mint cities.

^{page 281 note 2} Tabarí—Isfahán surrendered, A.H. 20—21. Ockley—Ahwaz and Khorásán conquered about A.H. 21, p. 362 old edit. Price's authorities date the reduction of Khorásán in 22, and Kermán and Fárs in 23. Price, I., 138.

^{page 284 note 1} The facts and details elucidatory of Ziád's parentage are variously related by different authors. Al Tabarí asserts

The statement of the Rauzat al Safá puts a less creditable appearance on the origin of Zíád. This may be consulted in its main details as reproduced by the Khalasut al Akhbar, and translated by Price, vol. I. 380. Ockley also (p. 359, Bohn's edit.), unfortunately without quoting his authority, gives a somewhat varied version to the following effect:—“Abu Sofian, in the days of ignorance, before drinking wine was made a sin by the Koran, while travelling in Taif, put up at a public house. Here, after drinking somewhat freely, he lay with this Zyad's mother, Somyah, who was then married to a Greek slave.” Ibn Kotalbah mentions two different versions of Zíád's birth, but neither of them support the imputations above noticed.

^{page 285 note 1} Ockley, , 385Google Scholar; Price, I. 380.Google Scholar

^{page 285 note 2} Ockley, (quoting D'Herbelot), p. 324.Google Scholar

^{page 285 note 3}

^{page 285 note 4} Ockley, (quoting Abúl Fedá), pp. 324, 325.Google Scholar

^{page 285 note 5}

^{page 285 note 6} Ockley, , 358.Google Scholar

^{page 285 note 7} Ockley, , 360.Google Scholar

^{page 285 note 8} Tabarí, , A.H. 46Google Scholar; Price, , I. 381Google Scholar; Elmacin, , p. 55.Google Scholar

^{page 286 note 1} Ockley, , 360.Google Scholar

^{page 286 note 2} Price, , I. 383Google Scholar; Ockley, , pp. 366, 369.Google Scholar

^{page 286 note 3} Tabarí, &c.

^{page 286 note 4} Tabarí, &c.

^{page 286 note 5} Ockley, , 368Google Scholar; Price, , I. 384.Google Scholar

^{page 286 note 6} Ockley, , 359.Google Scholar

Makrizi notices Ziád's share in the advancement of the Arab coinage to the following effect:—“Delato ad Moawiah f. Sofian f. m. imperio, Zeiadum filium patris sui Cufæ et Basræ præfecit, dicentem: o princeps fidelium, quum Abdalsaleh Omar f. Alchettab princeps fidelium stipendiorum exercitui dandorum necessitate pressus drachmas comminuerit, et mensuram majorem fecerit, tu moduli melioris constitutiohe hominum progeniei votis magis respondebis, et subditis majus beneficium dabis, eorumque commoda, veram traditionem complens augebis. Quam ob rem Moawiah f. mem. drachmas Alsaudas pondere deficientes scil. VI Danekorum, sive XV Keratiortim minus grano aut duobus, recudi fecit. Cudit quoque Zeiad (utriusque Irakæ præfectus) drachmas, quarum decem æquales erant VII Methkalibus, quas edicto usuales pronunciavit. Moawiah quoque denarios imagine sua gladio cincta instguitos percussit.”—pp. 80, 81.

^{page 287 note 1} I am anxious to call attention to the singular monogram, common to this and many subordinate classes of fire-worship coins, which up to this time has escaped any very close examination. But first, I would refer to the word , which, though subsequently associated with it, precedes their joint appearance. The first instance of the use of occurs—in M. De Longperier's classification of the medals of the Sassanians'on a coin attributed to Khusrú I. (A.D. 531), whence it is continued on those of his successors, Hormusdaz IV. and Varahrán VI.; in these examples the word is placed close to the circle dividing the field from the margin of the piece, and commences directly below the star to the left of the figure. Upon the coins assigned to Khusrú II., a change takes place in the entire rejection of the star and the insertion of the monogram under consideration, between the line of the circle and the word . I may pause for a moment to observe, that this indication may possibly prove a safe means of discriminating the money of the two Khusrús. The monogram is subsequently used upon all classes of fire-worship coins, but it appears under so many varieties of form, that it is difficult to select a single example as a test of the whole. At times the component letters of the ciphers look more like the undetermined characters on the Khubus coins, at others, they seem nothing more than simple Pehlví letters congregated into a single group, in which process they lose much of their distinct identity. Under these conditions some may be read , (possibly ), &c.

^{page 288 note 1} Ibn Kotaibah enumerates twenty-three. See passage quoted by Olshausen, , p. 52Google Scholar, “Die Pehlwie Legenden.”

^{page 289 note 1} Tabarí &c.

^{page 289 note 2} Price, I. 384.Google Scholar

^{page 289 note 3} Ockley, , 373Google Scholar; Price, I. 384Google Scholar; Tabarí.

^{page 289 note 4} Ockley, , 373Google Scholar; Price.

^{page 289 note 5} Ockley, , 374Google Scholar; Tabarí MS. Royal Asiatic Society.

^{page 289 note 6} Price, I. 412Google Scholar; Tabarí (he enters Kufah Z'ul Hajjah, A.D. 60).

^{page 289 note 7} Ockley, , 410Google Scholar; Price, I. 396.Google Scholar

^{page 289 note 8} Tabarí.

^{page 289 note 9} Ockley, (quoting MS. Laud, 161 A), p. 431.Google Scholar

^{page 289 note 10} Tabarí

^{page 289 note 11} Tabarí.

^{page 290 note 1} Ockley, , 451Google Scholar; Price, I. 296.Google Scholar

^{page 290 note 2} Such was the name applied to “all those who confederated under him to revenge the death of Husein.” Ockley, , 447.Google Scholar

^{page 290 note 3} Ockley, , 459Google Scholar; Price, I. 437.Google Scholar

^{page 292 note 1} MS. 99, Royal Asiatio Society,

Ockley (quoting MS. Laud, 161 A) informs us that Selim was 24 years of age in A.H. 61 (p. 420). Supposing this to be Correct, he must have been only 13 when first sent to Seistán.

^{page 292 note 2}

MS. 34, Royal Asiatic Society.

^{page 292 note 3} Ockley, (MS. Laud, 161 A), p. 420.Google Scholar

^{page 292 note 4} Price, I. 412Google Scholar; Ockley, , 420.Google Scholar

^{page 293 note 1} Ockley, , p. 436.Google Scholar

^{page 293 note 2} Ibn Kotaibah (Paris MS.) has only the following brief notice of Selim:—

^{page 293 note 3} Tabarí. See note quoted under Házim, Abdallah, p. 298.Google Scholar

^{page 293 note 4} Oekley, , 437Google Scholar; Tabari, &c.

^{page 295 note 1} Ockley, , 421, 434Google Scholar; D'Herbelot.

^{page 296 note 1} Ockley, , 427.Google Scholar

^{page 296 note 2}

^{page 296 note 3} Ockley, , 434Google Scholar; Price, I. 450.Google Scholar

^{page 296 note 4} Makrizi. “Abdallah f. Zobair princeps fidelium Meccæ constitutus, omnium primus drachmas rotundas (titulis in orbem ductis preditas), quæ vero deformes, crassæ et resectæ fuerunt, percussit, quod nemo ante eum fecerat. In circuitu unius lateris insculpi curaverat: Muhammed est legalus Dei; et alterius: prœipit Deui observationem (fœderis) et justitiam.”—p. 82.

^{page 297 note 1} Price, I. 165.Google Scholar

^{page 297 note 2} The Habib us Sair, quoted by Price, says, “The government [of Khorásán] was confirmed to him in consequence;” but there are doubts about the fact.

^{page 297 note 3} Abúl Faraj, 123:—“Ipse (Moavia) Damascum reversus, præfecit (el) Abdallam Ebn Hazem.”

^{page 298 note 1} Price, I. 446.Google Scholar

^{page 298 note 2} We gather incidentally the approximate data of the rise of Abdallah Hásim's power in the statement of Tabarí, that he was occupied an entire year in the siege of Herát, after he had gained possession of the rest of Khorásán, and, that Herát was captured in the year the Khwárij came to Kufah, i.e. 65. (Ocley, 451.)

Tabarí, MS. 34, Royal Asiatic Society.

^{page 298 note 3} Price, I. 447Google Scholar; or A.H. 73, Ockley, , p. 475.Google Scholar

^{page 298 note 4} Price, I. 447.Google Scholar Tabarí gives some curious particulars concerning Abdallah Házim's acquisition of Khorásán, which I transcribe from the Persian version of his work: —

^{page 301 note 1}

^{page 302 note 1} Ockley, , p. 426.Google Scholar

^{page 302 note 2} Ockley, , p. 468.Google Scholar

^{page 297 note 3} Olshausen notices two instances of the occurrence of names nearly similar, i.e. (Num. Chr. xi. 125); one is referred to in A.H. 68, the other (perhaps the same) as falling in battle with the Khwarij.

^{page 303 note 1} “D'après une tradition, Hercham ben (Mohammed) Kelby (a. 204) avait dit: que Mos'ab n'avait pas seulement fait frapper de la monnaie d'argent, mais encore de la monnaie d'or.” Fræhn (quoting Beladery), Jour. As. IV. 346.

^{page 304 note 1}

^{page 305 note 1} Ockley, , p. 436.Google Scholar

^{page 305 note 2} Ockley, , 460Google Scholar; Tabarí.

^{page 305 note 3} Price, I. 435Google Scholar:—“Kufah, Hejaj, Persian Irak, Egypt [?], and Diarbekir,”

^{page 305 note 4} Price: Ockley says 7000 ?

^{page 306 note 1} Ockley, , pp. 468–9Google Scholar; Faraj, Abúl, Hist. Dyn., 127Google Scholar; Tabarí, MS.

^{page 306 note 2} Makrizi, . “Nec minus frater ejus Massab f. Zobair in Iraka drachmas, quarum decem VII methkalibus respondebant, percussit, quibus homines donavit, donee Al-Hadsjadsj f. Jusuf, quem Abdolmalec f. Merwan princeps fidelium Irakam jam miserat, ab instituto improbi aut hypocritae recedere licitum judicans illud mutaret.”—pp. 82, 83.Google Scholar

“Primus autem, qui numos cudendos curaverit, fuisse dicitur Massab f. Zobair, qui fratris sui Abdallah f. Zobair jussu, anno LXX Chr. 639. in uno latere: benedictio, et in altero: per Deum eis inscripserit. Mutavit hoc Al-Hadsjadsj f. Jusuf anno post, et numis inscripait: in nomine Dei. Al-Hadsjadsj.” —p. 147.Google Scholar

^{page 306 note 1}

Tabarí, Royal Asiatic Society, MSS. 33, 34, and 99.

^{page 307 note 1}

Price places the accession and dismissal of Omiah in 74 (75 ? in noticing the death of Wokeil) and 78 respectively; the former date agrees better with the date on our coins. See Vol. I., pp. 451, 454.

^{page 307 note 2} Walid ? MS. Tabarí, No. 33.

^{page 307 note 3} This rendering the final mark as an N may be objected to, but the same form being used as an undoubted N in all other positions where its value is required, as contradistinguished from the similarly formed U, I have taken it as such to complete the word.

^{page 309 note 1} Müller, , 302.Google Scholar

^{page 310 note 1} I quote the Khalif Abdalmalik's own expressions, as rendered by Ockley (p. 473)Google Scholar:—“Mohalleb” “who is a man of a most penetrating judgment and good government, hardened in war, and is the son of the grandson of it.”

^{page 310 note 2} When Hejáj is made governor of Kufah (A.H. 75), he receives orders from Abdalmalik to the following effect: —

^{page 310 note 3} Price (quoting Tabarí), I. 460.Google Scholar

^{page 312 note 1} Gibbon, , vol. VI.; M. de Saulcy's Résumé, Jour. Asiatique, 1839 (Mouea, 91,92 A.H.).Google Scholar

^{page 312 note 2} Beladorí, , Reinaud's Fragments, pp. xx and 190.Google Scholar

^{page 312 note 3} Tabarí MS.; Ockley, , p. 436Google Scholar; Price, I. 427.Google Scholar

^{page 312 note 4} Ockley, (quoting MS. Laud, 161 A), p. 470Google Scholar; Price, I. 445.Google Scholar

^{page 312 note 5} Ockley, , 472, 474.Google Scholar

^{page 312 note 6} Ockley, , 475, 479Google Scholar; Price, I. 450.Google Scholar

^{page 312 note 7} The Armenian orthography of the name is expressed in Roman letters Aptêlmêlêk. (See Jour. As., vol. XIII. (1849), p. 339.Google Scholar)

8 Makrizi. “Quum autem post coedem Abdallæ et Massab filiorum Zobair, universum imperium ad Abdolmalecum f. Merwan devolutum esset, isque in pecuniam, pondera, et mensuras diligenter inquisivisset, tunc anno Hegiræ LXXVI Chr. 695. denarios et drachmas cudi fecit, pondus denarii XXII Keratia minus grano in Syriaco (pondere); pondus drachmæ vero XXV Keratia æqualia constituens. (Keratium autem IV granis, et quilibet Danek 2½ keratiis constiterunt.) Scripsit autem ad Hedsjadsjum Irakæ existentem, ut similes numos cuderet*. Itaque eos conflavit, et eorum exempla ad civitatem prophetæ sociis, quibus omnibus bene velit Deus, superstites erant, misit, qui eos non improbarunt, sed sive æquali epigraphe, sive figura præditi erant, promiscue habuerunt.”—pp. 83, 84.

“Abdalmalec f. Merman drachmas titulis præditas primus conflasse dicitur. Duo vero numorum genera, alterum titulo persico instructum, Bagliense s. Alsauda VIII Danecorum, alterum græce iuscriptum, Tiberiense IV Danecorum dabantur, quæ eruditi istius ætatis in consilium adhibiti ita in unam summam collegerunt, ut XII proveniret, eaque in duas æquales partes divisa, VI Danecorum drachmas procuderunt. Referente Abulziado, Abdalmalecus Hedsjadsjo in mandatis dedit, ut in Iraka drachmas cuderet, cui mandate anno LXXIV, aut ut tradit Almadâni, anno sequenti LXXV morem gessit. Deinde earum percussuram in reliquis tractibus anno LXXV imperavit. Hesjadsj autem eis inscripsisse fertur: Deus unus, Deus æternus est.”—pp. 147, 148.

Beladery (dec. 279 Hij.), who is noticed by Frahn to have devoted a special chapter to Arab coinage, informs us that he had heard that, up to the time of Abdalmalik, “les monnaies d'or courantes étaient Grecques, et celles d'argent étaient la monnaie des Chosroés ou des Himiarites” (). Beladery also endeavours to determine the exact epoch of Abdalmalik's introduction of Kufic money, which is said to have been first effected towards the end of A.H. 75, and to have been extended to the different provinces in the following year. See Frehn, , Jour. As., IV. (1824), p. 345.Google Scholar)

*“Secundum Almakrizium libro de pond. (v. excerpt, p. 66.) Hedsjadsj jam anno LXXIV aut LXXV numos vulgavit. Fortassis in moneta adornanda per annos LXXIV et LXXV periclitati erant prius quam anno LXXVI omaia in hac arte erant assecuti.”

^{page 313 note 1} Ockley's, Hist. Sar., 474 et seq.Google Scholar; Price, , Hist. Moham., I. 448 et seq.Google Scholar; D'Herbelot, in voce Hegiage; Fedá, Abúl (Reiske), I. 421, &c.Google Scholar; Abul Faraj; Elmacin, , p. 77.Google Scholar

^{page 313 note 2} Ockley, , 480.Google Scholar

^{page 314 note 1} Tabarí, , quoted by Price, I. 477.Google Scholar

^{page 314 note 2} This form is unusual, and perhaps open to question as at present rendered, but we find numerous instances of similar abbreviations of the unit word, and it would be clearly a greater interference with our materials to attempt to make the date into or in preference to 81, as above given.

^{page 324 note 1} “Beiza has a citadel with fortifications.”—Onseley, 93.

^{page 325 note 1} Near Kævin ?—Ouseley, 167.

^{page 334 note 1} Professor Wilson proposed to divide these varieties of imitative pieces into two distinct classes, on the strength of a supposed change from the proper initial K in Kanerkí to a letter having somewhat of the similitude of a B, and so to read the one name as sanctioned of old, and the other as a new designation; it is doubtful whether the difference to be detected between the one and the other does not arise from a simple advance in the process of barbarization.

^{page 334 note 2} Under a regulated system of collection and an attendant record of places of discovery much night be gained from such hints as the latter would afford in proving the starting point of coins of undetermiiiate origin, though of course as applied to gold coins in the East, any such information would carry with it less value than would be conceded in the case of similar data applied to the more locally fixed currencies of silver and copper. The gold saucer coins were found, 1, Kúndúz; 1, Badakhshán. See Ariana Antiqua, 378.Google Scholar

^{page 335 note 1} I instance especially .

^{page 335 note 2} A subordinate argument tending to show the want of any current alphabet among the Kanerkí (Yue Chi) Scythians, presents itself in the exclusive numismatic use of Greek letters to express their native names and titles. The Kadphises Seythians, who equally may be supposed to have had no proper system of letters, adopted, with the Greek characters of their Bactrian predecessors, the Greek style and titles of monarchy, adding, as was the previous custom, corresponding Arian legends on the reverses of the coinage. These last are considered (Lassen, Journal Asiatic Society, Bengal,) with some reason to have been adopted, and subsequently retained, in consideration of the possession of the chief seats of the currency of that language; so that their non-appearance on the Kanerkí coins in no way affects the question of the antecedent existence of a Scythic alphabet. But the advantage taken by the Yue Chi of the Greek alphabet to define their own or local dignities and designations, proves against them a poverty of means of linguistic expression, which is not so obviously and distinctly chargeable against the Kadphises tribe, or the Parthian monarchs of Persia, whose motives for continuing titular Greek superscriptions in the full integrity of language and letters are easily appreciable.

^{page 336 note 1} Ouigour alphabet, Klaproth, Aperçu, p. 90Google Scholar; Jaubert, , Journ. Asiatique, p. 32, (1825,) id. p. 6, (1827)Google Scholar, Khitan, A.D. 920, Manchu and Mongol, 13th cent. id.

^{page 336 note 2} Klaproth, , Aperçu, p. 27, &c.Google Scholar

^{page 336 note 3} See examination of coins of Khubus, p. 329.Google Scholar

^{page 336 note 4} See the run of Greek into Sanskrit in the Sah coins (Journ. R. A. S., xi.) the lower Parthian Greek legends becoming Pehlví, &c.

^{page 337 note 1} Longperier, PI. iv, figs. 5, &c.

^{page 337 note 2} Idem, Pl. v, figs. 4, 5, p. 34.

^{page 337 note 3} The coincidence of this Hormuzdas' having espoused a daughter of the King of Kabul, is perhaps in some way to be connected with the introduction of so much of pure Persian devices among the Eastern nations.

^{page 338 note 1} Fig. 16, Pl. xiv, Ariana Antiqua, &c.See also p. 379, Ariana Antiqua, and Prin-ep, Journ. A. S. Bengal.Google Scholar

^{page 338 note 2} For Engravings, see Ariana Antiqua, PI. xvii, figs. 12, 13, 14, 15, 16. Prinsep, Journ. A. S. Bengal.

^{page 338 note 3} Wilson, , Ariana Antiqua, p. 389, &c.Google Scholar

^{page 339 note 1} See especially the monogram on No. 16, Pl. xiv, Ariana Antiqua.

^{page 340 note 1} Class B; vide infrá.

^{page 340 note 2} Class A, described below, p. 342.

^{page 340 note 3} Antiqua, Ariana, Pl. xvii, Fig. 4, p. 402Google Scholar; Olshausen, Die Pelhwie Legenden.

^{page 340 note 4} See Ouseley, , Orient. Geog., p. 199.Google Scholar

^{page 340 note 5} Ex. gr., see Coins Nos. 9 and 38.

^{page 341 note 1} See also Obverse margin of Class B—Tchoch ? Takash ?

^{page 342 note 1} For engravings, see. Jour. As. Soc. Bengal, Vol. III. Pl. xxv. fig. 6Google Scholar; Ar. Ant., Pl. xxvii. fig. 9.

^{page 342 note 2} Traceable in the Sassanian models afforded in Longperier's plates of the coins of Sapor II., Artaxerxes II., and Sapor III., &c.

^{page 343 note 1} la nomine Justi judicis. Anquetil, , Zend-Avesta, ii., 341.Google Scholar

^{page 343 note 1} For engravings of similar coins see Jour. As. Soc. Bengal, Vol. III. Pl. xxi. figs. 10, 11Google Scholar; Journal Antique, Vol. VII. (1839), Pl. xvii. fig. 34Google Scholar; Ar. Ant., Pl. xxi. fig. 22.

^{page 343 note 2} Artaxerxes II. (A.D. 380, 384), Longperier, Pl. vii. figs. 1, 2, 3, is the first Sassanian who introjuces caps of this close form, with ornaments as it were attached, less than as forming a portion of the crown itself. The present caps remind one of many of the old-fashioned sowars' helmets still in use in India, wherein the front ornament (often, too, a variation of a trident in shape) is moveable, and inserted at will.

^{page 344 note 1} The of Abulfaraj, (pp. 116, 183, Edit. Pocock, Oxon.) has been shown to convey the current title of the Tartar monarchs. (See St. Martin, , Arménie, II., 18.Google Scholar) And I may as well take this opportunity of alluding to the word of the Persian and Arabic authors, which has been held by late writers to be applicable as the name of an individual, and has hence furnished ample ground for conjectural identifications. (Guildemeister, De Rebus Ind. p. 5; Antiqua, Ariana, 133Google Scholar; Reinaud, Mémoire sur l'lnde.) The following passage from Tabarí determines that this also is a mere generic designation of Indian kings.

^{page 345 note 1} Amounting to 70 or 80 at the least. Masson alone has 40 or 50.

^{page 345 note 1} Engraved as fig. 6, Pl. xiv., Jour. As. Soc. Bengal, Vol. VI. (1837)Google Scholar; and No. 8, Pl. xvii., Ar. Ant.; also fig. 6, Pl. xxv., Jour. As. Soe. Bengal, (1834).Google Scholar

^{page 345 note 2} Professor Wilson reads this Srí Batmana-Vasu Deva. The second word is given as doubtful; but the Vasu Deva is stated to be “unequivocal” (Ar. Ant., p. 400Google Scholar). The letter rendered tm, in modern Sanskrit characters, presents no doubt a difficulty, and if there are no means of confirming, there exist no sufficient data for rectifying the reading of so high an authority as the author of Ariana Antiqua; but many will perhaps still prefer the decipherment originally proposed by Prinsep of Srí Vihara (J. A. S. B., VI. 293Google Scholar). As regards the Vasu, I have less hesitation in objecting to Professor Wilson's position, as the second letter in the name, if rightly intended for an , should in some measure correspond in outline with the undoubted in the Vasu on Coins A. In the value now assigned it will be seen that I again follow the first of Sanskrit palæographers, the late illustrious Secretary of the Asiatic Society, Bengal.

^{page 347 note 1}

^{page 347 note 2} ?

^{page 347 note 3} Olshausen says 114 (see Num. Chron., p. 90Google Scholar). M. Soret gives a Khurshid (Lettre, , p. 13Google Scholar), which he doubtingly reads 110 or 103; it may be 63.

^{page 347 note 4} margin.

^{page 347 note 5} margin.

^{page 347 note 6} Olshausen reads this 220.