Data from about one hundred languages reveal that, in spite of resulting typically from articulatory reduction of peripheral vowels in unstressed position, full schwa may also occur in stressed position in stress languages and in unreduced syllables in languages lacking stress. Formant frequency data reveal that this vowel is mid central, though somewhat shifted to the mid back unrounded area (particularly if long and placed in open syllables and at the edges of words), and exhibits a higher or lower realization depending on the number of mid vowels in the vowel system. In spite of occurring in stressed position, full schwa resembles unstressed schwa in being very short, highly variable and possibly low intensity, which accounts for why it is prone to occur in closed syllables and longer words, and may receive stress only if the remaining vowel nuclei in the word are central and/or short peripheral. Moreover, variability in the F1 and F2 dimensions increases with the number of peripheral mid vowels, which appears to obey symmetry and dispersion principles of vowel space organization.

This work asks how the syllable as a unit is delimited in space and time. To do this we bring together two theoretical approaches to the syllable: a sonority-based approach which emphasizes spatial organization, and the coupled oscillator model (Nam, Goldstein & Saltzman 2009) which emphasizes temporal organization. Many languages present challenges to these theories, and here we focus on Georgian, which is problematic for both approaches, as Georgian permits onset clusters of up to seven consonants and of any sonority shape. Specifically, this study examines the relationship between gestural overlap and sonority shape in Georgian via electromagnetic articulography. Drawing on data from three speakers, we examine gestural overlap in two-consonant onsets that vary in sonority shape and order of place of articulation. Using two measures of gestural overlap, we find (i) long lag between consonant gestures, which we suggest is language-specific and (ii) that lag is largest in sonority rises and smallest in sonority falls. These results suggest that neither phonemic recoverability nor a hierarchical effect of increasingly open constrictions is the primary motivator behind inter-consonantal timing. Instead, the high degree of overlap in sonority falls ensures their tautosyllabic parse, which would otherwise be threatened by intrusive vocoids. Thus, we argue that recoverability of the syllable as a unit is the major motivating factor behind the timing patterns observed, and that syllables emerge not solely from either spatial or temporal properties, but from the interplay of the two.

Shawi1 is the language of the indigenous Shawi/Chayahuita people in Northwestern Amazonia, Peru. It belongs to the Kawapanan language family, together with its moribund sister language, Shiwilu. It is spoken by about 21,000 speakers (see Rojas-Berscia 2013) in the provinces of Alto Amazonas and Datem del Marañón in the region of Loreto and in the northern part of the region of San Martín, being one of the most vital languages in the country (see Figure 1).2 Although Shawi groups in the Upper Amazon were contacted by Jesuit missionaries during colonial times, the maintenance of their customs and language is striking. To date, most Shawi children are monolingual and have their first contact with Spanish at school. Yet, due to globalisation and the construction of highways by the Peruvian government, many Shawi villages are progressively westernising. This may result in the imminent loss of their indigenous culture and language.

This article presents data on the contextual reduction of /l/ in Spanish. Electropalatography (EPG) was used to examine realisations of word-final /l/ in prevocalic and preconsonantal environments in order to determine to what extent articulatory reduction of the /l/ is attributable to coarticulation with following segments. Previous studies using static palatography (Josselyn 1907) describe continuous relaxation of the articulatory stricture associated with /l/ in different phonological environments. These descriptions, in turn, have informed standard reference works on Spanish phonetics (e.g. Navarro Tomás 1957, Gili Gaya 1966). Additionally, theoretical work on other languages has argued in favour of syllable-based accounts of /l/-allophony and reduction patterns (e.g. English /l/-darkening and vocalisation), whereas instrumental studies have revealed complexities to these patterns that challenge syllable-based analyses. The findings of the EPG study reported on here confirm that /l/-reduction in Spanish is a gradient phenomenon that arises due to antagonistic coarticulatory forces. Thus, the reduction patterns that emerge in the data cannot be predicted on the basis of syllabification algorithms alone.

This study examines acoustic characteristics of a three-way distinction among a set of voiceless coronal fricatives and two sets of voiceless coronal affricates in Anong, an endangered Tibeto-Burman language. The study shows a lack of parallelism between the fricative and affricate series. The fricatives are well differentiated by spectral shapes and formant transitions of the following vowels, but not by the center of gravity. The affricates are well differentiated by the center of gravity, but not by spectral shapes nor by formant transitions of the following vowels. The study shows that /ʂ/ is acoustically a retroflex, while /tʂʰ tʂ/ are not.

In the paper ‘Do we need a symbol for a central open vowel?’, William Barry and Jürgen Trouvain unveil possible gaps in the IPA chart while positing the need for having three basic phonetic symbols for transcribing open vowels of the world's languages. The main point raised by the authors is that the phonetic quality of a in languages with a single open vowel is somewhere in between that of the open front and back vowels in more complex vowel systems. They exemplify this point by referring to the open vowel of the Spanish word gata, which is usually transcribed with the symbol [a] in spite of being more central than Cardinal Vowel 4. Several possible solutions are proposed: adding small capital A or barred a for the open central vowel to the already existing symbols [a] and [ɑ]; keeping [ɑ] for the open back vowel, moving the symbol [a] to the open central vowel position, and having either [æ] or small capital A as symbols for the open front vowel. As argued below, I do not believe that three IPA phonetic symbols are really needed for the transcription of different variants of a.

Urarina (ISO 639-3, code ura – Lewis, Simons & Fennig 2016) is an Amazonian language isolate spoken in the Loreto Region of Peru. Most Urarina communities are located on the banks of the rivers Corrientes, Chambira and Urituyacu, which are tributaries of the Marañon River, which in turn is the mainstem source of the Amazon River. Figure 1 shows the map of Peru and the location of the Urarina territory.

This paper focuses on the spectral properties of anterior sibilant fricatives in Northern Peninsular Spanish, and sibilant-merging and non-merging varieties of Basque. Non-merging varieties of Basque have two voiceless anterior sibilant fricatives, characterized as apico-alveolar and lamino-alveolar. In other Basque varieties, however, these two phonemes have merged with varying results. Twenty-four participants divided into four different groups have been studied. One group is a set of monolingual Spanish speakers from north-central Spain, while the remaining three are Basque–Spanish bilingual groups with different sibilant fricative systems in Basque. The goal is to describe the spectral properties of anterior sibilant fricatives and examine the effect of the L1-Basque sibilant system upon L2-Spanish. The Basque varieties chosen are: (i) Azpeitia Basque, where merging in favor of the lamino-alveolar sibilant fricative has occurred; (ii) Lemoa Basque, where the merging in favor of the apico-alveolar sibilant fricative is widespread; and (iii) Goizueta Basque, where no merging has happened. Participants took part in an elicitation task where they produced sentences containing target words with an intervocalic anterior sibilant fricative in Basque and Spanish. Bayesian probability was used for inferential statistics. Speakers of the non-merging Basque variety show the narrowest acoustic dispersion of /s/ in Spanish, as opposed to broader diffusion in the other three groups. Regarding L1 transfer, while the Azpeitia group does not show transfer into Spanish, the Lemoa and Goizueta groups do. Results show that /s/ is more fronted for monolingual Spanish speakers from north-central Spain than the previous literature has reported.

Of the official languages of South Africa, Afrikaans has the widest geographical, demographic and racial distribution (Webb 2003). According to the latest South African census of 2011 (StatsSA 2012), Afrikaans as first language is spoken by 13.5% of the country's inhabitants, only surpassed in numbers by Zulu (22.7%) and Xhosa (16%). In neighbouring Namibia, 10.4% of the population has Afrikaans as their first language. A noteworthy number of recent emigrants to United Kingdom, Australia, Europe and North America are likely to be Afrikaans speakers as well.1 A handful of elderly persons in Patagonia still speak Afrikaans; they are descendants of some 600 Afrikaans speakers who settled in Patagonia at the beginning of the 20th century (Du Toit 1995, Coetzee et al. 2018).

The present study provides an acoustic description of the vowel system of Santiago Mexquititlán Otomi (Hñäñho), an endangered and understudied Oto-Manguean language variety spoken in central Mexico. The goal of this production study was to determine whether the phonemic contrasts between Hñäñho vowels, as previously described impressionistically, are maintained in the acoustic realizations of a group of relatively balanced bilingual native speakers of Hñäñho or if Hñäñho phonemic categories are merging due to the extensive influence of Spanish. To this end, each Hñäñho speaker recorded a carefully designed list of 90 Hñäñho words and the resulting dataset of a total of 1507 tokens was subjected to analysis. Linear mixed-effects models were constructed to predict Bark scale correlates of vowel height (B1 – b0) and vowel frontness/backness (B2 – B1) and the Pillai scores were calculated in order to determine the degree of overlap for adjacent Hñäñho vowel pairs. The speakers’ Hñäñho vowels were also compared to their Spanish vowels. A list of five Spanish words was used and a total of 90 tokens of the Spanish vowels were recorded. The results confirm that the vowel system of Hñäñho, produced by older Hñäñho speakers, consists of 10 distinct phonemes. Hñäñho-specific phonetic details are discussed, including the fronted realization of the vowel /u/ as [u̟] and the lowering of the vowel /ɔ/ to [ɒ], which might lead to a future /a – ɔ/ merger. These findings underline the importance of early and sustained exposure to indigenous bilinguals’ native language for the maintenance of phonetic features of Hñäñho despite extensive contact with Spanish.

This paper looks at the use of /r/-sandhi in the speech of Queen Elizabeth II. Potential contexts of /r/-sandhi were identified and analysed for the presence or absence of rhoticity and glottalisation in a corpus of Christmas speeches over a period of seven decades. The results show that the Queen avoids intrusive /r/ altogether but that she uses linking /r/ in most potential cases, that glottalisation is common when /r/-sandhi is not used, and that linking /r/ and glottalisation can also co-occur. A comparison with a longitudinal corpus of speakers also shows that the Queen resembles group-level trends in the case of linking /r/ but differs in the case of intrusive /r/. The results also indicate that a number of phonetic and usage-based variables influence linking /r/ usage, including previously unreported factors such as vowel quality collocation frequency. The findings are discussed in the context of usage-based theory.

Huangyan dialect (, local name: [wɔ̤ɲjɛ˜̤wa̤]) is a variety of Taizhou dialect () as spoken in Zhejiang Province in China1 (see Figure 1).2 Huangyan District had a population of 616,000 people in 2019.3 The Zhejiang Taizhou dialect belongs to the Wu dialect group, which forms the second largest dialect group in China (after Mandarin). The language genealogy of Huangyan is presented in Figure 2. Wu dialects are spoken in the city of Shanghai, Zhejiang Province, southern Jiangsu Province and bordering areas (see Figure 3), an area with an estimated population of 80 million people in 2013 (Lewis 2009). The Wu dialects are not mutually intelligible with (Standard) Mandarin and often not even with each other (Norman 2003, Wang 2014).

A multi-speaker acoustic study on citation tones in Kaifeng Mandarin, referred to as LH, HL, H and L, shows that L is realized as three different subtypes by different speakers, i.e. dipping, falling and falling with lengthening, while generally being longer than the other three tones and frequently spoken with creaky voice in part of the vowel. This inter-speaker variation is reflected in the different transcriptions of Kaifeng L that have been given in the literature. We argue that a L-tone is intrinsically less salient than a H-tone, due to a lack of phonetic space in the low pitch range as well as to a potential ambiguity between contextual low pitch around f0 peaks and low pitch due to L-tones, and thus more likely to be enhanced.

This issue of the Journal contains further contributions to the series ‘Illustrations of the IPA’. As in the case of previous contributions, the recordings accompanying them are available at http://web.uvic.ca/ling/ipa/handbook/. Illustrations published in the Journal prior to 1998 appear in the Handbook of the International Phonetic Association (IPA 1999). Later contributions will be incorporated into future editions of the Handbook.

In this article we examine the phonetic properties of labialization in Nuuchahnulth, a Southern Wakashan language spoken on Vancouver Island. Given the moribund status of this language, we make use of available archival materials from the early twentieth century along with more recent recordings in order to ascertain the exact nature of the process. Early work on this language was conducted by Edward Sapir, who transcribed data in a more or less phonetic form. A second goal of our paper is to test the accuracy of Sapir's transcriptions. Finally, we examine the characteristics of Nuuchahnulth labialization which mark it as an important typological phenomenon.

In a previous issue of this journal, John Coleman (2004) reviewed the written-up version of a poster I presented at the 15th International Congress of Phonetic Sciences, Barcelona (Battaner-Moro 2003, henceforth BM). The aim of the poster was to discuss the evolution of Firthian prosodic analysis. In his review, Coleman derives from it ‘an ignorance or a neglect of Firth's publications prior to 1948' on my part (p. 211). He focusses his criticisms on the following three statements:

1. ‘Firth never did prosodic analysis.’

2. ‘There is a complete absence of programmatic work in Firth's works.’

3. ‘Prosodic analysis was developed by the members of the London School and not at all by John Firth.’