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⁴ On the reformers' opposition to the suffrage rights of immigrants, see McGerr, Michael E., Decline of Popular Politics: The American North, 1865–1928 (New York, 1986), 45–52;Google ScholarKeyssar, Alexander, The Right to Vote: The Contested History of Democracy in the United States (New York, 2000), 121–27;Google ScholarKousser, J. Morgan, The Shaping of Southern Politics: Suffrage Restriction and the Establishment of the One-Party South, 1880–1910 (New Haven, 1974), 252Google Scholar; , Sproat, The Best Men, 253–57Google Scholar.

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⁸ Historians Sven Beckert and Michael McGerr both suggest that the movement for suffrage restriction diminished after Tilden. Beckert argues that the Tilden Commission represented “the high point” of upper-class efforts to limit the suffrage. “Upper-class Bostonians,” Beckert observes, “did not seem to have worked towards restricting the suffrage” thereafter. “In New York City, the 1877 movement was the last of its kind…. In the North… attacks against the suffrage itself… moved to the margins,” according to Beckert. After Tilden, McGerr notes, “public opposition to the right to vote diminished. Suffrage was not an issue in the North in the 1880s and 1890s…. Most liberals turned away from suffrage restriction, not because it was wrong, but because it was impossible.” , Beckert, “Democracy and its Discontents,” 120, 152, 153–54;Google Scholar, McGerr, Decline of Popular Politics, 50–51Google Scholar.

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¹³ Efficiency and curtailing the spoils system remained important goals for the Boston reformers. See Civil Service Record, Apr. 1883, July 1883, June 1884.Google Scholar Although no prior study has argued that the intention of civil service reform was to restrict suffrage, J. Morgan Kousser observed that twentieth-century turnout decline was a possible effect of civil service reform. Kousser, , “Suffrage” in Encyclopedia of American Political History, ed. Greene, Jack P. (New York, 1984), 1250-51.Google Scholar

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³³ Ibid.

³⁴ Ibid., 199. During presidential-election years, turnout in the United States between 1868 and 1892 averaged almost 80 percent. See , Silbey, American Political Nation, 219Google Scholar.

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⁴² Quoted in , Harmond, “Tradition and Change,” 61Google Scholar; , Dobson, Politics in the Gilded Age, 136.Google Scholar “There are few men in the ranks of the Democratic party,” the Catholic Boston Pilot proclaimed on June 21,1884, “that represent [sic] the amount of vigor, brains, and energy that is stowed away in Butler's frame.”

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⁴⁴ Civil Service Record, Nov. 1882.Google Scholar The Record's commentary on Butler is frequently scath ing. “Butlerism,” the June 1883 Record observed, “is so opposed to all that is respectable and honorable, to all that is distinctive of the history and traditions of Massachusetts.”

⁴⁵ Acts and Resolves Passed by the General Court of Massachusetts in the Year 1882–83 (Boston, 1883), 677.Google Scholar

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⁴⁸ Quoted in , Harmond, “Tradition and Change,” 118–19.Google Scholar Historian Paul Kleppner called breaking the compact foreign vote “a tactical goal of Republicans”; , Kleppner, Third Electoral System, 348–49Google Scholar.

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⁵² , Sproat, The Best Men, 253–57.Google Scholar Documentation of reformers' critical view of the Irish and immigration is extensive. See, for example, , Parkman “Failure of Universal Suffrage,” 9Google Scholar; Moorfield Storey, the prominent Boston lawyer, president of the Boston Civil Service Reform Association, was perhaps the most scathing critic. See , Storey, Politics as a Duty, 4–5;Google ScholarStorey, Moorfield, “The Political Situation,” Atlantic Monthly, Jan. 1892, 116Google Scholar; Leger, Ann Louise, “Moorfield Storey: An Intellectual Biography” (PhD diss., University of Iowa, 1968), 216; andGoogle Scholar, Blodgett, Gentle Reformers, 34.Google Scholar See also Adams, Charles Francis, Three Episodes of Massachusetts (Boston, 1892), 948–57;Google ScholarKirkland, Edward Chase, Charles Francis Adams Jr.: The Patrician at Bay (Cambridge, MA, 1965), 156CrossRefGoogle Scholar; , Silbey, American Political Nation, 217.Google Scholar On the anti-Irish views of Charles Eliot Norton, the Harvard fine arts professor who had a singular influence on the younger, Harvard-educated Mugwumps such as Dana and Quincy, see , Blodgett, Gentle Reformers, 20–21, 32. ForGoogle Scholar E. L. Godkin, an Irish Protestant immigrant, see , Sproat, The Best Men, 226, 231, 250Google Scholar; , Quigley, Second Founding, 157Google Scholar; Godkin, E. L., “City Government,” Nation, Oct. 25, 1877.Google Scholar On Richard Henry Dana, see Richard Henry Dana III, “Sir William Vernon Harcourt and the Australian Ballot Law,” unpublished ms., Dana Papers, box 46, folder “Pamphlet on Harcourt and the Australian Ballot,” 6. On Josiah Quincy, see O'Connor, Thomas H., The Boston Irish: A Political History (Boston, 1997), 157Google Scholar.

⁵³ That reformers fretted about the prospect of an Irish mayor is well-documented. Irish-born Alderman Hugh O'Brien lost his bid for the mayoralty in 1883 to Augustus P. Martin, a Yankee Republican, by 1,500 votes. Before the election, the Dec. 5, 1884, Boston Transcript, a mugwumpish newspaper, asserted, “The cause of good government in Boston, not only for this year but for an indefinite time to come, is bound up with the success of General Martin.” Although O'Brien would run and win in late 1884, the Jan. 5, 1884, Transcript offered anxious reformers hope that O'Brien would sit out the next election. “The (valedictory) address of Alderman Hugh O'Brien,” the paper observed, “will increase the public satisfaction that his aspirations for the mayoralty were defeated in December.” On Yankee fears of displacement and Irish political hegemony, see , Blodgett, Gentle Reformers, 61–62;Google Scholar, McFarland, Mugwumps, Morals, and Politics, 85Google Scholar; , Eisinger, “Ethnic Political Transition in Boston,” 223Google Scholar.

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⁹⁷ Historians have several explanations for turnout decline in the early twentieth-century North. For a behavioral theory stressing the election of 1896, see Burnham, Walter Dean, “The Changing Shape of th e American Political Universe,” American Political Science Review 59 (March 1965): 7–28.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For an interpretation emphasizing institutional factors, see Converse, Phillip E., “Change in the American Electorate” in The Human Meaning of Social Change, ed. Campbell, Angus and Converse, Phillip E. (New York, 1972): 263–337;Google ScholarRusk, Jerrold G., “Comment: The American Electoral Universe: Speculation and Evidence,” American Political Science Review 68 (Sept. 1974): 1028–49.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For the interpretation that the rise of educational politics contributed to turnout decline, see , McGerr, Decline of Popular Politics, 3–106. See alsoGoogle Scholar, Kleppner, Who Voted?, 55–65;Google Scholar, McCormick, Realignment to Reform; Keller, Affairs of State, 533Google Scholar; , Connolly, Triumph of Ethnic Progressivism, 110–12;Google ScholarKornbluh, Mark Lawrence, Why America Stopped Voting. The Decline of Participatory Democracy and the Emergence of Modern American Politics (New York, 2000)Google Scholar.

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⁹⁹ , O'Connor, The Boston Irish, 169Google Scholar; , Schiesl, Politics of Efficiency, 104Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ , Blodgett, Gentle Reformers, 67Google Scholar; , Hoogenboom, Outlawing the Spoils, 260Google Scholar.

¹⁰¹ , Dana, “Laborers and the Civil Service Law.”Google Scholar

¹⁰² III, Richard Henry Dana, “Attack and Defense in the Massachusetts Legislature,” unpublished ms., 6, Dana Papers, box 54.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ , Buenker, Urban Uberalism and Progressive Reform, 128.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ , Keyssar, Out of Work, 261.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ , Connolly, Triumph of Ethnic Progressivism, 135.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Quoted in , Connolly, Triumph of Ethnic Progressivism, 138.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Quoted in Beatty, Jack, The Rascal King: The Life and Times of James Michael Curley (New York, 1992), 88.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ , Keyssar, Right to Vote, 170.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ To be sure, all patronage reformers did not subscribe to this view. In fact some argued that reform advanced democracy by removing urban boss rule and purifying democratic institutions. See , Stromquist, Reinventing “The People,” 4, 9Google Scholar; , Frie, Rainbow's End, 4Google Scholar; , Connolly, Triumph of Ethnic Progressivism, 1Google Scholar.