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“More Conscience Than Force”: U.S. Indian Inspector William Vandever, Grant's Peace Policy, and Protestant Whiteness1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  08 November 2010

Douglas Firth Anderson
Affiliation:
Northwestern College

Extract

William Vandever (1817–1893) served as a U.S. Indian inspector from 1873 until early 1878. A lawyer by profession, Vandever had been a Republican congressman from Iowa and a Civil War officer. (Later, he would return to Congress, representing California.). While serving with the Indian Office, he became a critic of the militarization of federal Indian policy, so much so as to be reprimanded and not reappointed. His experience enables a reconsideration of President U.S. Grant's peace policy in at least two areas. First, as one of a new group of Office of Indian Affairs officials, Vandever provides a view of federal Indian policy from the middle level of the federal bureaucracy during the 1870s. His case especially illustrates his bureau's attempts to centralize civilian management of Indian reservations. Second, Vandever's policy criticisms, though they assumed white American “civilization” as normative, more immediately arose from his religious perspective. Although he lost his post, Vandever serves to highlight the privileged role of white Protestantism during Grant's peace policy. He exemplified a set of racialized religious sensibilities that were important at the time and that could be termed Protestant whiteness.

Type
Essays
Copyright
Copyright © Society for Historians of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 2010

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References

2 This quotation and those in the next four paragraphs are from William Vandever to J. Elliot Condict, Jan. 4, 1877, folder 2, box 7, William Vandever Papers, Special Collections, Charles C. Myers Library, University of Dubuque (hereafter, Vandever Papers). All quotations from Vandever follow his spelling, punctuation, grammar, and use of proper names.

3 Vandever's correspondent,Condict, J. Elliot, was also a devout Presbyterian; a year prior to Vandever's reply, he had published “Our Indians and the Duty of the Presbyterian Church to Them,” Presbyterian Quarterly and Princeton Review 5 (Jan. 1876): 7693.Google Scholar

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19 The Bureau of Indian Affairs did not become the official name until 1947. The Gilded Age names—the Indian Office and OIA—will be used in this essay. SeePrucha, Francis Paul, The Great Father: The United States Government and the American Indians (Lincoln, NE, 1984), app. D, 1227–29Google Scholar.

20 See, for example,Whitner, Robert L., “Grant's Indian Peace Policy on the Yakima Reservation, 1870–82” in The Western American Indian: Case Studies in Tribal History, ed. Ellis, Richard N. (Lincoln, NE, 1972), 5060Google Scholar;Murphy, Lawrence R., Frontier Crusader—William F. M. Arny (Tucson, AZ, 1972)Google Scholar;Unrau, William E., “The Civilian as Indian Agent: Villain or Victim?Western Historical Quarterly 3 (Oct. 1972): 405–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar;Harte, John Bret, “The Strange Case of Joseph C. Tiffany: Indian Agent in Disgrace,” Journal of Arizona History 16 (Winter 1975): 383404Google Scholar;Kvasnicka, Robert M. and Viola, Herman J., eds., The Commissioners of Indian Affairs, 1824–1977 (Lincoln, NE, 1979)Google Scholar; Stuart, The Indian Office; Prucha, The Great Father; Bender, “New Hope for the Indians”;Stamm, Henry E. IV, “The Peace Policy Experiment at Wind River: The James Irwin Years, 1870–1877,” Montana: The Magazine of Western History 41 (Summer 1991): 5669Google Scholar;Dibbern, John, “The Reputations of Indian Agents: A Reappraisal of John P. Clum and Joseph C. Tiffany,” Journal of the Southwest 39 (Summer 1997): 201–38Google Scholar;Anderson, Douglas Firth, “Protestantism, Progress, and Prosperity: John P. Clum and ‘Civilizing’ the U.S. Southwest, 1871–1886,” Western Historical Quarterly 33 (Autumn 2002): 315–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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23 SeeOstler, Jeffrey, The Plains Sioux and U.S. Colonialism from Lewis and Clark to Wounded Knee (New York, 2004), 1415Google Scholar, on Jefferson and American expansion;Whaley, Gray H., “Oregon, Illahee, and the Empire Republic: A Case Study of American Colonialism, 1843–1858,” Western Historical Quarterly 36 (Summer 2005): 158CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the history of “civilizing” North American Indians, see esp.Berkhofer, Robert F. Jr, The White Man's Indian: Images of the American Indian from Columbus to the Present (New York, 1978)Google Scholar;Hoxie, Frederick E., A Final Promise: The Campaign to Assimilate the Indians, 1880–1920 (1984; New York, 1989)Google Scholar;Higham, C. L., Noble, Wretched, and Redeemable: Protestant Missionaries to the Indians in Canada and the United States, 1820–1900 (Albuquerque, NM, 2000)Google Scholar.

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31 According to Vandever, an 1867 mining swindle had left him indebted; see Vandever to T. W. Burdick, Dec. 5, 1877, folder Dec. 1877, box 7, Vandever Papers. He also complained of expenses and of his failure to get ahead financially; see Vandever to William B. Allison, Nov. 27, 1873, folder 3, vol. 2, and Jan. 24, 1878, folder 2, vol. 12, William Boyd Allison Papers, State Historical Society of Iowa Library and Archives, Des Moines.

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40 The initial list of denominations was created in 1870 by Vincent Colyer, secretary of the BIC. In 1872, the white Protestant denominations were the northern Baptists, Congregationalists, Dutch Reformed, Episcopal, Evangelical Lutheran, Friends (Hicksite and Orthodox), northern Methodists, and northern Presbyterians. See, Keller, Protestantism and Indian Policy, 32–36, 218–22.Google Scholar

41 , Prucha, The Great Father, 519.Google Scholar

42 Ibid., 562.

43 The legal status of Indian nations as “wards” and “domestic, dependent” nations under U.S. federal sovereignty was established byMarshall, Chief Justice John and the U.S. Supreme Court in Cherokee Nation v. Georgia, 1831.Google Scholar

44 , Stuart, The Indian Office, 7380.Google Scholar

45 Quotation is from U.S. Indian Bureau, A Compilation from the Revised Statutes of the United States, 2nd ed. (Washington, 1876), 16. The summation of duties is from a two-page document, folder 6, box 3, Vandever Papers.

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48 U.S. Office of Indian Affairs, Registers of Letters Received, 1824–1880, rolls 95–108, microform M18, NARA, Rocky Mountain Region, Denver. Supplemented by the Vandever Papers, these records provide the outline of Vandever's inspection tours between 1873 and 1878.

49 Vandever to CIA, Sept. 25; Oct. 1; Oct. 5; Oct. 13; Nov. 4; Nov. 5, 1873, in U.S. Office of Indian Affairs, Reports of the Field Jurisdictions, 1873–1900, roll 1, microform M1070, Arizona Superintendency, NARA, Denver.

50 Vandever to CIA, Nov. 3; Nov. 4, 1873, in OIA, Reports of the Field Jurisdictions, roll 1.

51 Vandever to CIA, Oct. 18, 1873, in OIA, Reports of the Field Jurisdictions, roll 1.

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72 Vandever to Condict, Jan. 4, 1877, folder 2, box 7, Vandever Papers.

73 See Berkhofer, The White Man's Indian, andDeloria, Philip J., Playing Indian (New Haven, 1998).Google Scholar

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78 Vandever to CIA, Aug. 6, Aug. 15 (denial of pamphlet), 1877, folder Aug. 1877, box 7, Vandever Papers.

79 Schurz to CIA, Sept. 6, 1877, folder Sept. 1877, box 7, Vandever Papers.

80 Schurz also reprimanded Vandever over a debt about which a complaint had been made; Schurz to Vandever, Nov. 30, 1877. Vandever's fears appear in his letters to Commissioner Hayt on Nov. 16 and to Senator Allison on Dec. 4, 1877, folders Nov. 1877 and Papers of “special interest,” box 7, Vandever Papers. Vandever's correspondence with Allison once his non-reappointment was clear include Jan. 17 (telegram); Jan. 19; Jan. 21 (telegram); Jan. 24; Jan. 28, 1878, folders 2–3, vol. 12, Allison Papers. Quotations are from Allison to Vandever, Jan. 19, 1878 and Feb. 1, 1878, folders Jan., Feb. 1878, box 8, Vandever Papers.

81 Vandever to Allison, Jan. 24, Feb. 5, 1878, folders 2, 4, vol. 12, Allison Papers.

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89 Limerick, Patricia Nelson, Something in the Soil: Legacies and Reckonings in the New West (New York, 2000), 63, 73.Google Scholar