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³ For critiques of the foreshortened historical perspective in studies of advertising's cultural and economic development, seeOhmann, Richard, Selling Culture: Magazines, Markets, and Class at the Turn of the Century (London, 1996), 216–18Google Scholar; andMcFall, Liz, “What About the Old Cultural Intermediaries? An Historical Review of Advertising Producers,” Cultural Studies 16 (July 2002): 532–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴ “Brand image” and the “unique selling proposition” are advertising concepts most famously associated with the 1950_s and the work of David Ogilvy and Rosser Reeves, respectively. Hopkins developed the essential ingredients of both strategies years earlier, however, and both Ogilvy and Reeves freely acknowledged his influence. It was Ogilvy who wrote that Hopkins's book Scientific Advertising had changed his life. Reeves's manifesto on the unique selling proposition specifically cited one of Hopkins's campaigns from the 1890_s and declared that Hopkins's “genius for writing copy made him one of the advertising immortals.” SeeOgilvy, David, Confessions of an Advertising Man (New York, 1963), 202Google Scholar; andReeves, Rosser, Reality in Advertising (New York, 1961), 55–56.Google Scholar

⁵ Heller, Steven, “Advertising: the Mother of Graphic Design” in Graphic Design History, ed. Heller, Steven and Balance, Georgette (New York, 2001), 297.Google Scholar

⁶ Marchand, Roland, Advertising the American Dream (Berkeley, 1985), 26.Google Scholar

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⁸ Calkins once wrote that he thought Hopkins's books were all “bluster and brag.” And Hopkins once wrote that an early Calkins campaign had failed because it was “built on frivolity” and “people do not buy from clowns.” Earnest Elmo Calkins to George Harrison Phelps, Jan. 17, 1929, Earnest Elmo Calkins Papers, Knox College Special Collections and Archives, Galesburg, IL; Hopkins, Claude, My Ufe in Advertising and Scientific Advertising (Lincolnwood, IL, 1966), 184.Google ScholarThese two Hopkins books were originally published in 1927and 1923, respectively.

⁹ Norris, Vincent P., “Advertising History–According to the Textbooks,” journal of Advertising 9 (Summer 1980): 6.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁰ , Pope, Making of Modern Advertising, 178–79.Google Scholar

¹¹ Sketches of Hopkins's life that have appeared in print contain numerous contradictions and inaccuracies about his early years, often citing other locations for his birth and childhood. Information from vital statistics, Census reports, city directories, and surviving copies of the Mason County Record locate Hopkins and his immediate family in Hillsdale in 1865 and 1868, i n Midland in 1870, and in Ludington in 1872–76, 1880, and 1883.

¹² , Hopkins, My Life in Advertising, 9Google Scholar; History of Mason County, Michigan (Chicago, 1882), 18Google Scholar; Historic Mason County, Michigan (Dallas, 1980), 16Google Scholar; Mason County Record, Sept. 16, 1874, p. 4Google Scholar.

¹³ , Hopkins, My Life in Advertising, 5, 19–24.Google ScholarHopkins's exact description of these circumstances is the statement: “When I was ten years old mother was left a widow.” Most historical accounts have taken him at his word, but there is evidence that he may not have been speaking literally and that his father had abandoned the family. No death was recorded for a person named Fernando Hopkins in the state of Michigan between 1867 and 1897, and a Hillsdale College publication lists an alumnus by that name living in Tacoma, Washington, in the early 1900_s. There is little doubt that in one way or another Fernando left the family in the late 1870_s, however, because Census records for Ludington in 1880 listed Hopkins's mother (as head of the household) along with Claude and his sister, but made no mention of his father.

¹⁴ , Hopkins, My Life in Advertising, 11–14, 30–34Google Scholar; Fox, Stephen, The Mirror Makers: A History of American Advertising and Its Makers (Urbana, 1997), 53Google Scholar; Hopkins, Claude C., “Sensational Advertising,” Printers' Ink 13 (Oct. 30, 1895): 3Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Calkins, Earnest Elmo, “And Hearing Kot—”: Annals of an Adman (New York, 1946), 3Google Scholar; Calkins, Earnest Elmo, They Broke the Prairie (New York, 1937), 35–113, 197–220, 234–41Google Scholar.

¹⁶ , Calkins, And Hearing Not, 61Google Scholar(quote). Information on the residence and employment of William C. Calkins came from Galesburg directories for years 1867, 1871, 1877, 1879, 1882, 1883, 1885, 1887, 1889, 1892, 1895, 1897, and 1898.

¹⁷ Calkins, Earnest Elmo, “The Natural History of the Soul,” Atlantic Monthly, Nov. 1925, 625Google Scholar; , Calkins, And Hearing Not, 29–32, 39Google Scholar; Calkins, Earnest Elmo, “The Influence of Advertising,” Good Housekeeping, May 1909, 643–45Google Scholar; Calkins, Earnest Elmo, “Fact or Fiction in Advertising,” judicious Advertising 2 (Jan. 1904): 13–14Google Scholar.

¹⁸ , Calkins, “And Hearing Not,” 50–56, 68, 181, 188, 309–11Google Scholar

¹⁹ Ibid., 11.

²⁰ Pere Marquette Lumber Co. advertisement, Mason County Record, Sept. 16, 1874, p. 4.Google Scholar

²¹ “Stories About Some Advertised Medicines,” Printers' Ink 8 (Mar. 22, 1893): 407Google Scholar; “Agonizing Headlines,” Printers' Ink 8 (Mar. 22, 1893): 398Google Scholar; Place, J.F., “Analyzing an Ad,” Printers' Ink 8 (Mar. 8, 1893): 345.Google ScholarOn patent-medicine makers as the earliest national advertisers, seeLaird, Pamela, Advertising Progress: American Business and the Rise of Consumer Marketing (Baltimore, 1998), 18–23Google Scholar; on journalistic exposes of patent medicines' usefulness, seeYoung, James Harvey, The Toadstool Millionaires: A Social History of Patent Medicines in America before Federal Regulation (Princeton, 1961), 205–25Google Scholar.

²² Dodd's Nervine advertisement, Mason County Record, Sept. 17, 1873, p. 3.Google ScholarConcepts such as brand image and brand equity refer to advertisers' understanding that the meanings and associations linked to a brand name have a financial and advertising value quite apart from the physical attributes of the product itself. For an introduction and overview, seeBiel, Alexander L., “Converting Image to Equity” in Brand Equity andAdvertising, ed. Aaker, David A. and Biel, Alexander L. (Hillsdale, NJ, 1993), 67–82Google Scholar.

²³ , Calkins, And Hearing Not, 95–96.Google Scholar

²⁴ Ibid., 4.

²⁵ “Experts are No Good,” Printers' Ink 28 (July 19, 1899): 32.Google Scholar

²⁶ , Ohmann, Selling Culture, 82Google Scholar; , Laird, Advertising Progress, 76–91Google Scholar; Strasser, Susan, Satisfaction Guaranteed: The Making of the American Mass Market (New York, 1989), 58–63;Google Scholar

²⁷ , Ohmann, Selling Culture, 81–94Google Scholar; , Pope, Making of Modern Advertising, 113–15Google Scholar; , Laird, Advertising Progress, 160–63Google Scholar.

²⁸ Lydens, Z. Z., ed., The Story of Grand Rapids (Grand Rapids, MI, 1967), 294Google Scholar; Baxter, Albert, History of the City of Grand Rapids, Michigan (New York, 1891), 474–75Google Scholar; America's Advertisers: Who They Are, Where They Are, How they Have Developed and What They Are Doing at the Present Time (1893; New York, 1976), 241Google Scholar; Bissell Carpet Sweeper advertisement marked “April 1890” in scrapbook labeled “miscellaneous 1889–1892,” Bissell Archival Collection, Public Museum of Grand Rapids; “Shall We Use The Bissells or Brooms,” pamphlet copyrighted 1893, Bissell Archival Collection.

²⁹ Bissell was representative of a number of manufacturers who began experimenting with new marketing techniques around the same time. One advertising trade-journal article singled out Grand Rapids as “one of the busiest points in general advertising” and reported that “it may be said without any contradiction that the territory between Detroit and Chicago along the Michigan Central Railroad for 150 miles is the most productive 150 miles for general advertising in the United States, with a possible exception of New England.” See“Some General Advertising Centers,” Advertising Experience 7 (May 1898): 13Google Scholar;

³⁰ , Hopkins, My Life in Advertising, 41–43.Google ScholarPublished sources have dated Hopkins's advertising breakthrough at Bissell from 1887 to the “late 1890_s.” The first concrete evidence of his impact on the company's advertising that I have found comes from the Bissell Christmas campaign of 1890. The following year–1891–is the first year that Hopkins listed himself as “advertising agent” rather than a clerk or bookkeeper in the Grand Rapids City Directory. It is possible that he had begun his advertising work for Bissell a year or two earlier, but 1890 fits the timeline of his career most comfortably.

³¹ Bissell advertisement headlined“The Most Popular Christmas Present in the World,” ladies' Home Journal, Dec. 1890, p. 30Google Scholar; “Santa” brochure in scrapbook labeled “miscellaneous 1889–1892,” Bissell Archival Collection; “B.G.R.” advertisement in scrapbook labeled “miscellaneous 1883–87,” Bissell Archival Collection; Hopkins quotation from My Life in Advertising, 46; notation marked “Xmas advertising 1890” in scrapbook labeled “miscellaneous 1889–1892,” Bissell Archival Collection; letter to dealers, Oct. 1890, in scrapbook labeled “miscellaneous 1889–1892,” Bissell Archival Collection; “How to Suggest It,” booklet, Bissell Archival Collection.

³² Untitled advertising brochure; letter to dealers, Jan. 1894; letter to dealers, July 27, 1892; letter to dealers, Aug. 4 [1891]; advertisement dated Aug. 189[1]; letter to dealer, July 28, 1892–all in scrapbook labeled “miscellaneous 1889–1892,” Bissell Archival Collection. The letters are typed form letters and generally have neither salutation nor signature. Most include some variation of the notation “Dictated bv C.C.H.” at the bottom.

³³ Letter to dealers, Mar. 24, 1894, in scrapbook labeled “miscellaneous 1889–1892,” Bissell Archival Collection; Bissell Carpet Sweepers advertisement,ladies' Home journal, Apr. 1894, p. 37Google Scholar; , Hopkins, My Life in Advertising, 48–50Google Scholar.

³⁴ , Young, Toadstool Millionaires, 174–76Google Scholar; Bissell Carpet Sweepers advertisement,Ladies' Home Journal, Nov. 1893, p. 29Google Scholar; “Shall We Use the Bissells or Brooms?” brochure, Bissell Archival Collection; letter to dealers, Mar. 20, 1893, in scrapbook labeled “miscellaneous 1889–1892,” Bissell Archival Collection; Bissell Carpet Sweepers advertisement,Ladies' Home Journal, Apr. 1894, p. 37Google Scholar; letter to dealers, July 27, 1893, in scrapbook labeled “miscellaneous 1889–1892,” Bissell Archival Collection.

³⁵ Kasson, John, Civilizing the Machine: Technology and Republican Values in America, 1776–1900 (New York, 1976), 160Google Scholar; Connolly, Marguerite A., “The Transformation of Home Sewing and the Sewing Machine in America, 1850–1929” (PhD diss., University of Delaware, 1994), 78–81, 117–24, 163–66Google Scholar.

³⁶ Borden, Neil, “The Concept of the Marketing Mix,” Journal of Advertising Research 4 (June 1964): 2–7Google Scholar; , Laird, Advertising Progress, 179Google Scholar.

³⁷ Calkins, Earnest Elmo, “Printers' Ink at 65,” Printers' Ink 244 (July 24, 1953): 48Google Scholar; “Editorial,” Coup d'Etat, Apr. 8, 1891, p. 114Google Scholar.

³⁸ Muelder, Herman R., Missionaries and Muckrakers: The First Hundred Years of Knox College (Urbana, 1984), 177Google Scholar; , Calkins, And Hearing Not, 99–106, 135–40, 143–47Google Scholar.

³⁹ , Calkins, And Hearing Not, 147–50.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ G. B. Churchill advertisement, Galesburg Evening Mail, Dec. 9, 1895, p. 8Google Scholar; , Calkins, And Hearing Not, 151Google Scholar.

⁴¹ For example see, Hopkins's letter in “Correspondence,” Art in Advertising 8 (Jan. 1894): 167Google Scholar; andCalkins, Earnest Elmo, “A Bit of Early Book Advertising,” Printers' Ink 9 (Dec. 6, 1893): 587–88.Google ScholarOne of the earliest academic studies of advertising stated that more than 200 advertising trade publications emerged between 1888 and the turn of the century. SeeSherman, Sidney, “Advertising in the United States,” Journal of the American Statistical Association 52 (Dec. 1900): 29Google Scholar.

⁴² , Hopkins, My Life in Advertising, 47.Google ScholarFor glimpses of Swift's strict an d sarcastic treatment of employees, seeSwift, Louis B., The Yankee of the Yards: The Biography of Gustarus Franklin Swift (Chicago, 1927), 160–65Google Scholar.

⁴³ , Hopkins, My Life in Advertising, 79–81, 88.Google ScholarShoop marketed his “restorative” as a product that “strengthens the inside nerves” and “brings back the power that operates the vital organs.” SeeDr. Shoop's Restorative advertisement, Harper's Weekly, Jan. 4, 1902, p. 29Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Editorial,Printers' Ink 13 (Dec. 11, 1895): 46Google Scholar; “In Chicago Advertising Circles,” Printers' Ink 25 (Nov. 23, 1898): 16Google Scholar; “What We Hear About Advertisers,” Advertising Experience 8 (Dec. 2, 1898): 23Google Scholar; , Hopkins, My Life in Advertising, 82Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Cochran, Thomas, The Pabst Brewing Company: The History of An American Company (New York, 1949), 102–28Google Scholar; Playchen, Ronald Jan, A History of Anheuser-Busch, 1852–1933 (New York, 1976), 45–46, 54–62Google Scholar; Brewers Almanac (Washington, 1981), 12Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ , Hopkins, My Life in Advertising, 83Google Scholar; for examples of Pabst ads, seeLife, July 11, 1895, p. 30Google Scholar(ancient Egypt); Life, Feb. 6, 1896, p. 107Google Scholar(medieval Germany); Life, Apr. 15, 1897, p. 315Google Scholar(American history); Zega, Michael E. and Gruber, John E., Travel by Train: The American Railroad Poster, 1870–1930 (Bloomington, IN, 2002), 17Google Scholar; “The Movement against Fraudulent Advertising,” New York Times, Oct. 9, 1902, p. 16Google Scholar; “The Design in Advertising,” Advertising Experience 11 (July 1900): 12Google Scholar; “Chicago's Illustrative Engraving Facilities,” Advertising Experience 10 (Apr. 1900): 9Google Scholar; “Criticised from the Hub,” Printers' Ink 19 (Apr. 21, 1897): 28Google Scholar; “Those Pabst Inaccuracies,” Printers' Ink 19 (May 19, 1897): 18Google Scholar; Bates, Charles Austin, “Department of Criticism,” Printers' Ink 13 (Nov. 11, 1895): 59Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ , Hopkins, My Life in Advertising, 83–84Google Scholar; Schlitz advertisement, Harper's Weekly, Oct. 21, 1899, p. 1075Google Scholar; Schlitz advertisement, Harper's Weekly, Sept. 16, 1899, p. 925Google Scholar; Schlitz advertisement, Harper's Weekly, May 20, 1899, p. 509Google Scholar; Schlitz advertisement, Harper's Weekly, Aug. 19, 1899, p. 827Google Scholar; Schlitz advertisement, Harper's Weekly, Nov. 18, 1899, p. 1171.Google ScholarHopkins explained his philosophy of “dramatic salesmanship” in an article he contributed to NathanielFowler, C. Jr, Fowler's Publicity: An Encyclopedia of Advertising and Printing (New York, 1897), 114–15Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Hopkins stated that the ad campaign vaulted Schlitz from fifth to a tie for first in the brewing industry (My Life in Advertising, 84), but a more recent beer industry reference book claims that Schlitz was already the third-largest brewer in the country by 1895. The same source indicates that Schlitz sales moved from 650,000 barrels a year in 1895 to more tha n one million barrels a year around the turn of the century (in fact, Schlitz began advertising the one million figure in 1903), which would certainly suggest that the company prospered during this time. SeeDownard, William L., Dictionary of the History of the American Brewing and Distilling Industries (Westport, CT, 1980), 168–69.Google ScholarFor contemporary reaction to the campaign, see“September Magazine Advertising,” Advertising Experience 9 (Sept. 1899): 21Google Scholar; “March Magazine Advertising,” Advertising Experience 10 (Mar. 1900): 22Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ , Hopkins, My life in Advertising, 84Google Scholar; Rapp, Stan and Collins, Tom, The Great Marketing Turnaround (Englewood, NJ, 1990), 189–90.Google ScholarOne thing Hopkins did not do was coin the phrase “The Beer that Made Milwaukee Famous,” despite many published accounts that credit him with this achievement. The slogan may date back to the 1870s and certainly was in use before Hopkins went to work on the Schlitz account.

⁴⁰ Goodwin, Lorine Swainston, The Pure Food, Drink, and Drug Crusaders, 1879–1914 (Jefferson, NC, 1999), 6, 40–44Google Scholar; “Are Advertised Food Products Adulterated?” Advertising Experience 9 (June 1899): 2Google Scholar.

⁵¹ Tomes, Nancy, The Gospel of Germs: Men, Women, and the Microbe in American Life (Cambridge, MA, 1998), 5–12, 108–12Google Scholar; Starr, Paul, The Social Transformation of American Medicine (New York, 1982): 18–19, 101–16, 127–34.Google Scholar“Particularly unassimilable” quotation from, Tomes, Gospel of Germs, 111Google Scholar.

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⁵⁶ , Jacobson, Whiteness of a Different Color, £205Google Scholar-22; , Bederman, Manliness and Civilisation. 178–206Google Scholar; Schlitz advertisement, Harper's Weekly, July 22, 1899, p. 731Google Scholar—the advertisement appeared again in the same publication on Sept. 30, 1899, p. 999.

⁵⁷ Kerr, K. Austin, Organisedfor Prohibition: A New History of the Anti-Saloon league (New-Haven, 1985), 76–89Google Scholar; Pegram, Thomas, Battling Demon Rum: The Struggle for a Dry America, 1800–1933 (Chicago, 1997), 98–99, 107–08Google Scholar; Rorabaugh, W. J., “Beer, Lemonade, and Propriety in the Gilded Age” in Dining in America, ed. Grover, Kathryn (Amherst, NY, 1987), 26–32Google Scholar.

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⁵⁹ Schlitz advertisements, Harper's Weekly, May 20, 1899, p. 509Google Scholar; Mar. 17, 1900, p. 258; and July 21, 1900, p. 681.

⁶⁰ , Kerr, Organised for Prohibition, 24–34Google Scholar; , Pegram, Battle Demon Rum, 96–101Google Scholar.

⁶¹ , Hopkins, My ljfe in Advertising, 24–25.Google Scholar

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⁶⁴ , Ohmann, Selling Culture, 81–94Google Scholar; , Pope, Making of Modern Advertising, 113–15Google Scholar; , Laird, Advertising Progress, 160–63Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Archer, Addison, “Bates on Bates,” Printers' Ink 13 (Aug. 14, 1895): 3–10Google Scholar; Bates, Charles Austin, “First Person Singular, Chapter II,” Advertising and Selling 12 (Apr. 3, 1929): 88Google Scholar; Bates, Charles Austin, “First Person Singular, Chapter IV,” Advertising and Selling 13 (May 1, 1929): 23–24Google Scholar; Bates, Charles Austin, “First Person Singular, Chapter VIII,” Advertising and Selling 13 (June 26, 1929): 23Google Scholar; Bates, Charles Austin, “John E. Powers and the Beginnings of Advertising Writing,” Printers' Ink 107 (May 1, 1919): 25Google Scholar; Bates, Charles Austin, “Interest–Initiative–Enthusiasm, How They Were Developed” Printers' Ink 94 (Mar. 16, 1916): 17Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ , Callkins, And Hearing Not, 160, 167–69.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Bogart, Michele, Artists, Advertising and the Borders of Art (Chicago, 1995), 49Google Scholar; Bates, Charles Austin, “Department of Criticism,” Printers' Ink 27 (Apr. 5, 1899): 60Google Scholar; , Bates, “First Person Singular–Chapter II,” 92Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ , Bates, “First Person Singular, Chapter VIII,” 62, 64–65Google Scholar; Schwartz, J. W., “R & G Corsets,” Printer's Ink 28 (July 19, 1899): 3–5Google Scholar; , Calkins, And Hearing Not, 161.Google ScholarThe figures for the increased number of retail dealers comes from, Bates, “First Person Singular, Chapter VIII,” 65Google Scholar; Calkins estimated the increase as 7,500 to 11,000 inCalkins, Earnest Elmo and Holden, Ralph, Modern Advertising (1905; New York, 1985), 58Google Scholar; the company official gave no specifics, saying only that “our growth has been a steady one,” in “R & G Corsets,” 5.

⁶⁹ R & G Corset advertisement, Ladies Home Journal, Oct. 1898Google Scholar, back cover; “Advertisements, Catalogs, and Booklets,” Advertising Experience 9 (June 1899): 20.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ , Lears, Fables of Abundance, 148–53Google Scholar; Hollander, Anne, Seeing Through Clothes (Berkeley, 1993), 133Google Scholar; Banner, Lois, American Beauty (Chicago, 1983), 151Google Scholar; , Laird, Advertising Progress, 94Google Scholar; Reichart, Tom, The Erotic History of Advertising (Amherst, NY, 2003), 49–55.Google Scholar“Underwear obsessed” quotation from, Hollander, Seeing Through Clothes, 133.Google Scholar“Major mass form” quotation from, Banner, American Beauty, 151.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Comments and descriptions of corset ads based on examination of theLaadies' Home Journal from 1895 through 1898.

⁷² “Editorial Notice,” Indies' Home journal, Feb. 1898, p. 28Google Scholar; “A Distinction–or a Difference,” Charles Austin Bates's Criticisms 3 (May 1898): 295–96Google Scholar; Bates, Charles Austin, “Twenty-Eight Years After,” Advertising and Selling 6 (Feb. 24, 1926): 32, 34, 72Google Scholar; , Calkins and , Holden, Modern Advertising, 57Google Scholar; Ralph Bogardus made astute observations about corset ads and turn-of-the-century concepts of female identity in “Corset Ads, Photography, and the Imaging of the ‘New Woman’ in the Ladies' Home Journal,” paper read at American Studies Association annual meeting, Toronto, Nov. 3, 1989; and “Corset Ads, New Women, and Flappers: Plots of Confinement and Liberation in the Ladies' Home Journal, 1896–1915,” paper read at the Modern Language Association annual meeting, Washington, DC, Dec. 19, 1996.

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⁷⁴ Brown, Elspeth, The Corporate Bye: Photography and the Rationalisation of American Commercial Culture, 1884–1929 (Baltimore, 2004), 159–216Google Scholar; , Bogart, Artists, Advertising, and the Borders of Art, 171–204Google Scholar; , Johnston, Real Fantasies, 1–131Google Scholar; Sobieszek, Robert, The Art of Persuasion: A History of Adrertising Photography (New York, 1988), 16–31Google Scholar; Pollay, Richard W., “The Subsiding Sizzle: A Descriptive History of Print Advertising, 1900–1980,” journal of Marketing 49 (Summer 1985): 24–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar; , Lears, Tables of Abundance, 322–29Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ , Calkins, And Hearing Not, 179Google Scholar; , Calkins and Holden advertisement, Profitable Advertising 12 (Dec. 1902): 492–93Google Scholar; Calkins, Earnest Elmo, “The Camera as an Ad.-Writer,” Profitable Advertising 12 (Apr. 1903): 1040–45.Google ScholarFor Hiller on the use of models, see, Brown, The Corporate Eye, 194–96Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ , Bogart, Artists, Advertising, and the Borders of Art, 207–12Google Scholar; Heller, Stephen, “Commercial Modern: American Design Style, 1925–1963,” Print 49 (Sept.-Oct. 1995): 58–68Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ , Calkins, And Hearing Not, 195–206Google Scholar; First Five Years: Harvard Advertising Awards, 1924–1928 (New York, 1930): 13Google Scholar(1st quote).Frothingham, Robert, “The Agency Reborn—Bob Frothingham Remembers–VII,” Advertising and Selling 20 (Dec. 23, 1932): 26 (2nd quote)Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Calkins's own version of these events can be found in And Hearing Not, esp. 172, 203–26, 347, and in a series of articles he wrot e for Advertising and Selling (see especially the issues of Feb. 17, 1933, on Pierce—Arrow automobiles, and May 12, 1932, on Arrow Collars). The book referred to is Modern Advertising. Th e quotation praising it came fromConverse, Paul D., The Beginning of Marketing Thought in the United States (Austin, 1959), 31Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ For Hopkins's own account, see My Life in Advertising, 89–160. The quotation about his success comes fromLeachman, Harden Bryant, The Early Advertising Scene (1949; New York, 1985), 120Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ , Hopkins, Scientific Advertising; Earnest Elmo Calkins “Beauty: The New Business Tool,” Atlantic, Aug. 1927, 145–56.Google Scholar

⁸¹ , Rowell, Forty Years, 31.Google ScholarFor recen t comments on their enduring influence, on Hopkins seeTwitchell, James, Twenty Ads that Shook the World (New York, 2000), 48–69Google Scholar; on Calkins seeHeller, Stephen, “A Cold Eye: Critical Lapse,” Print 57 (July-Aug. 2003): 24, 123–24Google Scholar.