Although they would take no responsibility for the views expressed, I would like to thank the many helpful informants I encountered in Sabah in December 1995, for whom the following (alphabetically) will have to stand: Fr. Joseph Dapoz MHM, Penelope Husin, Jim Johansen, Joanna and Jude Kissey, Jacqueline Pugh Kitingan, Pairin Kitingan, Herman Luping, Maximus Ongkili, and Benedict Topin. Among colleagues George Appell and Francis Loh were particularly helpful.

¹ Prentice, D.J., “The Linguistic Situation in Northern Borneo”, in Pacific Linguistic Studies in Honour of Arthur Capell, ed. S.A., Wurm and D.C., Laycock (Pacific Linguistics Series C, no. 13, Canberra, Australian National University, Department of Linguistics, 1970), p. 370.Google Scholar

² Appell, G.N., “The Dusun languages of northern Borneo: the Rungus Dusun and related problems”, Oceanic Linguists 7 (1968): 1–15.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³ King, Juli K. and King, John Wayne, Languages of Sabah: A Survey Report, Pacific Linguistics Series C, no. 78 (Canberra, Australian National University, Department of Linguistics, 1984), esp. pp. 17–43, 335–36.Google Scholar

⁴ Rutter, Owen, The Pagans of North Borneo (London: Hutchinson, 1929), p. 32.Google Scholar

⁵ Evans, I.H.N., The Religion of the Tempasuk Dusuns of North Borneo (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1953), pp. 187–88; Benedict Topin, “The Origin of the Kadazan/Dusun: Popular Theories and Legendary Tales”, n.d.; Our Cultural Heritage, pp. 73–77.Google Scholar

⁶ Glyn-Jones, Monica, The Dusun of the Penampang Plains, 2 vols. (London, 1953), p. 117.Google Scholar

⁷ Rutter, The Pagans of North Borneo, pp. 31–32.

⁸ Mohamad, Mahathir bin, The Malay Dilemma (Singapore: Donald Moore, 1970), pp. 121–44.Google Scholar

⁹ The 1980 Malaysian census listed those who were not Chinese or Indian as simply “Pribumi” (native), including Indonesian and Filipino migrants.

¹⁰ Filipino and Indonesian figures for 1991 are estimates, derived by dividing in the ratio Indonesian 2: Filipino 1 the 425,175 people listed in the census as not Malaysian citizens — the largest single group in the lightly populated eastern half of the state. In the Indonesian case the 16.3 per cent so derived was added to the 8 per cent listed in the census as Malaysian citizens of Indonesian (Bugis, Banjar, Flores, Toraja, etc.) origin. Filipinos were not listed as a separate category in the 1991 census. About 72,000 Filipinos were listed by the UNHCR as having entered Sabah in the period 1972–76 as refugees from the fighting in the southern Philippines, though in the Mustapha era they found it relatively easy as Muslims to acquire citizenship and so to swell the Suluk (here “other Muslim”), Malay and Bajau categories. A manpower masterplan in 1984 reported about 100,000 Indonesians working in estates, and 51,000 Indonesians and 26,000 Filipinos in various other occupations.

¹¹ Listed as Dusun until the 1960 Census, and as Kadazan in 1970. I added the 10,881 Rungus and the 20 Lotud of the detailed 1970 census to the Kadazan Dusun category, since this is where they were in previous enumerations. In the 1991 Census I have aggregated the 216,910 reporting as Dusun and the 106,740 reporting as Kadazan, together with 19,000 estimated for Rungus Dusun. That estimate is based on a growth since the 1970 census of the same order (74.4 per cent) as for other Kadazan-Dusun. The Rungus are clearly a “Dusun” group by language, culture and mythology, but in the valleys of the Kudat peninsula they have resisted modern acculturation pressures more than others, and retained longer a longhouse residence pattern and chiefly swidden agriculture. Many are now Christian, since the Basel mission became established in 1961.

¹² In the censuses prior to 1970 specific ethnic terms are listed — Sulu, Orang Sungei, Brunei, Kadayan, Bisaya and Tidong — Brunei being the largest of these at each enumeration. In the 1991 census I have used the category “Other Bumiputra”, though reducing it by 19,000 for the Rungus Dusun of Kudat, apparently the only important non-Muslim group listed in this category. For the basis of this estimate, see previous note.

¹³ North Borneo Annual Report, 1954, p. 69.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Jones, L.W., The Population of Borneo: A Study of the Peoples of Sarawak, Sabah and Brunei (London: Athlone, 1966), pp. 60, 144.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Rooney, John, Khabar Gembira. A History of the Catholic Church in East Malaysia and Brunei (1880–1976) (London: Burns & Oates, 1981), p. 144.Google Scholar

¹⁶ North Borneo Annual Report, 1953, pp. 131–32; 1954, pp. 124–25.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Sabah Times, 30 June 1960.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Antonissen, A., Kadazan Dictionary and Grammar (Canberra: Government Printer, 1958).Google Scholar

¹⁹ North Borneo Annual Report, 1953, p. 131; 1954, p. 125; 1957, pp. 140–41; 1960, pp. 159–61; 1961, p. 196; interviews.

²⁰ Daily Express, 20 Mar. 1987; Topin, “The Origin of the Kadazan/Dusun”.Google Scholar

²¹ Glyn-Jones, The Dusun of the Penampang Plains, p. 118; Harrison, R., “An Analysis of the Variation among the Ranau Dusun Communities of Sabah, Malaysia” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1971), p. 58.Google Scholar

²² Stephens in the Sabah Times, 30 June 1960; see also Luping, Herman, Sabah's Dilemma: The Political History of Sabah (1960–1994) (Kuala Lumpur: Magnus Books, 1994), pp. 4–5.Google Scholar

²³ Raymond Boid Tombung, cited in the Daily Express, Sep. 1994.

²⁴ Mojuntin in the Sabah Times, 23 Nov. 1967.

²⁵ Harrison, “An Analysis of the Variation among the Ranau Dusun Communities”, p. 59.

²⁶ Outside Malaysia, “nationalism” is generally associated with the struggle to establish an autonomous homeland. However Malaysian convention accepts the term nationalism for the movement of Malay self-awareness and self-assertion (“Malay nationalism” having been used in academic titles by K.P. Landon, Radin Soenarno and William Roff), and to some extent also that of Chinese and Indians in Malaya/Malaysia, without a necessary implication that a racial homeland is being sought. See Landon, K.P., “Malay Nationalism”, Far Eastern Quarterly 2 (1943): 145–47Google Scholar; Soenarno, Radin, “Malay Nationalism, 1900–1945”, Journal of Southeast Asian History 1 (March 1960): 1–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Roff, W.R., The Origins of Malay Nationalism (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1967).Google Scholar The term “Kadazan nationalism” appears to have been coined, or at least popularized, by Margaret Clark Roff in her 1969 article, “The Rise and Demise of Kadazan Nationalism”, and taken up by Roff's student, prominent Sabah politician Herman Luping. See Roff, Margaret, “The Rise and Demise of Kadazan Nationalism”, Journal of Southeast Asian History 10, 2 (1969): 326–43; Luping, Sabah's Dilemma, p. 97. I am not aware that it has been much discussed otherwise in Sabah.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁷ Roff, “The Rise and Demise of Kadazan Nationalism”; Luping, Sabah's Dilemma, pp. 97–112; Ongkili, James P., Modernization in East Malaysia, 1960–1970 (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1972), pp. 50–53.Google Scholar

²⁸ Roff, Margaret Clark, The Politics of Belonging. Political Change in Sabah and Sarawak (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1974), pp. 52–62, 86–106; Ongkili, Modernization in East Malaysia, pp. 62–69; Luping, Sabah's Dilemma, pp. 115–97.Google Scholar

²⁹ Luping, Sabah's Dilemma, pp. 240–41.

³⁰ Luping, Sabah's Dilemma, pp. 199–274; Wan, Francis Loh Kok, “Modernisation, Cultural Revival and Counter-Hegemony: The Kadazans of Sabah in the 1980s”, in Fragmented Vision: Culture and Politics in Contemporary Malaysia, ed. Joel, Kahn and Francis, Loh (Sydney: Allen & Unwin for ASAA, 1992), pp. 228–31; Rooney, Khabar Gembira, pp. 213–19.Google Scholar

³¹ Rooney, Khabar Gembira, pp. 215–17.

³² Francis Loh Kok Wan, “Modernisation, Cultural Revival and Counter-Hegemony”, pp. 231–40; Luping, Sabah's Dilemma, pp. 275–330.

³³ The Festival is lovingly commemorated in Our Cultural Heritage, n.d.

³⁴ Once within Malaysia KDs may have been influenced by the prestige enjoyed by politicians such as Temenggong Jugah, “paramount chief of the Rejang Ibans, as a result of a title created by the Brooke regime in Sarawak. No such title or primacy had been created by colonial rule in Sabah.

³⁵ Literally “brave leader”, the title Huguan Siou was popular in Penampang and Papar by the nineteenth century, to designate legendary warriors who were able to perform miraculous feats, perhaps particularly in defending villages against impositions from the Brunei sultanate. KD society had no supra-local leadership, but in times of threat such warriors very probably achieved renown over a wide area. Though initiated by the Penampang leadership, the new Huguan Siou idea appears to have been popular also in remote interior areas. See Luping, Datu H., “The Making of a Huguan Siou: Facts and Fiction”, in Pesta Ka'amatan ’89 Peringkat Negeri (Penampang, 1989).Google Scholar

³⁶ Luping, Sabah's Dilemma, pp. 331–464; Chandran, Bala, The Third Mandate (Kuala Lumpur: Bala Chandran, 1986)Google Scholar; Khoon, Tan Chee, Sabah: A Triumph for Democracy (Kuala Lumpur: Pelandok, 1986).Google Scholar

³⁷ Komoiboros Dusunkadazan/Dusunkadazan Dictionary (Kota Kinabalu: Mongulud Boros Dusun Kadazan [MBDK], 1994), p. iv. This work contains a preface written by Jeffrey Kitingan.Google Scholar

³⁸ Sabah Times, 21 Dec. 1986.

³⁹ Sabah Times, 21 Dec. 1986.

⁴⁰ Sabah Times, 19 Mar. 1988.

⁴¹ Sabah Times, 21 Dec. 1986.

⁴² Kalakau Untol in Daily Express, 14 Mar. 1989.

⁴³ Daily Express, 19 May 1989.

⁴⁴ Daily Express, 18 Aug. 1989.

⁴⁵ Komoiboros Dusunkadazan/Dusunkadazan Dictionary.

⁴⁶ Chua, Haji Abdul Malek, YB for Sale (Kota Kinabalu: Zamantara, 1995).Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Daily Express, 12 Feb. 1995.

⁴⁸ Borneo Post, 24 Feb. 1995.