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Colonial sugar production in the Spanish Philippines: Calamba and Negros compared

  • Filomeno V. Aguilar
Abstract

This article presents two modes of export-oriented sugar hacienda production in the late-nineteenth-century Spanish Philippines. The Hacienda de Calamba epitomised a large-scale estate under a religious corporation; it was an enclave economy reliant on local capital and technology. In contrast, Negros showcased a range of haciendas of varying sizes in a frontier setting involving different ethnicities and supported by capital and technology mediated directly by foreign merchant houses. In both locations sugar planters opposed the colonial state, but whereas leaseholders in Calamba, led by Rizal's family, became intentionally political in their resistance, in Negros planters engaged in a persistent and calibrated evasion of the state.

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Correspondence in connection with this article should be addressed to: fvaguilar@ateneo.edu.
Footnotes
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This is a revised version of a paper presented at the conference, ‘Coexistencia e Interacción entre Comunidades en Las Filipinas del Siglo XIX’, Instituto de Historia, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Históricas (CSIC), Madrid, 4–6 Nov. 2015. Many thanks to Lola Elizalde and Xavier Heutz de Lemps for the invitation to participate in this conference. Many thanks to Leloy Claudio, Carol Hau, Mike Pante, and the CSIC conference participants, particularly William Clarence-Smith, Mike Cullinane, and Al McCoy, for stimulating comments, questions, and suggestions that have vastly improved this article. I also thank the referees for their valuable feedback on an earlier version. This is the last of my papers that I had the distinct privilege of having Ben Anderson read; despite his failing health, he gave me pointed comments and precious time. The remaining errors are my sole responsibility.

Footnotes
References
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1 ‘The rich on earth are exposed to all kinds of trouble, to all kinds of molestations’. Rizal, José, ‘Sobre la indolencia de los filipinos / On the indolence of the Filipinos’, La Solidaridad, vol. 2: 1890, trans. Fores-Ganzon, Guadalupe (Pasig City: Fundación Santiago, 1996), p. 392 .

2 Ibid., pp. 394, 396.

3 Ibid., pp. 396, 397.

4 Ibid., pp. 396, 399.

5 Legarda, Benito Jr., After the galleons: Foreign trade, economic exchange and entrepreneurship in the nineteenth-century Philippines (Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1999), pp. 236–43, 280.

6 Data for 1845 showed total sugar production in the Spanish Philippines at 265,045 pilones (one pilon averaging roughly 50 kilos), distributed as follows: Pampanga (94,587 pilones; 35.7 per cent); Cebu (63,582 pilones; 24.0 per cent); Bulacan (51,930 pilones; 19.6 per cent); Iloilo (15,310 pilones; 5.8 per cent); Bataan (13,571 pilones; 5.1 per cent); Pangasinan (10,811 pilones; 4.1 per cent); Laguna (7,029 pilones; 2.6 per cent); Tondo (6,019 pilones; 2.3 per cent); and Cavite (2,206 pilones, 0.8 per cent). Philippine sugar production remained trifling by international standards, and certainly paled in comparison to Cuba; this state of affairs prompted Madrid to make an official inquiry. Aguilar, Filomeno Jr., Clash of spirits: The history of power and sugar planter hegemony on a Visayan island (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press; Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1998), pp. 82–6, 90–92, 242.

7 MacMicking, Robert, Recollections of Manilla and the Philippines, during 1848, 1849, and 1850 (London: Richard Bentley, 1851), pp. 281, 285.

8 Alejandrino, José, The price of freedom: Episodes and anecdotes of our struggles for freedom, trans. Alejandrino, Jose M. (Manila: The author, 1949), pp. 114 ; Larkin, John, The Pampangans: Colonial society in a Philippine province (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972), pp. 94–5; Schumacher, John, The Propaganda Movement: 1880–1895; The creators of a Filipino consciousness, the makers of the revolution (Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1997), pp. 236, 272.

9 The localities or units of analysis do not have to be formal administrative units. According to Michael Cullinane (email to the author, 15 Nov. 2015), some parts of Cebu Island resembled Calamba while other parts resonated with Negros. However, to date no systematic analysis of sugar production in Cebu has been written, although many areas of this history are covered in: Fenner, Bruce, Cebu under the Spanish flag, 1521–1896: An economic–social history (Cebu City: San Carlos, 1985). That the province of Bulacan was an important sugar producer in the middle of the nineteenth century is hardly mentioned even in local histories. In Iloilo's case, sugar production has been almost completely overshadowed by Negros sugar, even in the otherwise thorough study of Iloilo City by McCoy, Alfred, ‘A queen dies slowly: The rise and decline of Iloilo City’, in Philippine social history: Global trade and local transformations, ed. McCoy, Alfred W. and Ed. de Jesus, C. (Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1982), pp. 297358 .

10 In this continuum Pampanga can be placed somewhere between Calamba and Negros. For a comparison of the two major sugar-producing provinces of Pampanga and Negros, see Larkin, John A., Sugar and the origins of modern Philippine society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993). In this article I rely on the comparative frame of Calamba and Negros, in part because Calamba, although highly significant for nationalist historiography, has seldom been seen in comparative perspective and because, for practical reasons, adequate information exists for both Calamba and Negros to enable the analysis pursued here. In fact, there is limited information on many aspects of sugar production in Pampanga during this period (see Larkin, The Pampangans, pp. 63–102; Larkin, Sugar, pp. 82–99); but pertinent information, whenever available, is brought into the discussion.

11 In this article the term ‘Chinese mestizo’ is primarily the historian's. In Rizal's case, his grandfather had taken advantage of a scheme that allowed the family's official transfer from the tribute list of Chinese mestizos to that of the naturales. In 1884, the colonial government's shift to a modern taxation system formally abolished the tribute categories that had distinguished the Chinese mestizo from the naturales, although in larger urban areas the colonial governance mechanism of having separate gremios or corporate councils for naturales and Chinese mestizos, especially for civil and ceremonial affairs, was not immediately discontinued.

12 The Spanish colonial state has been commonly described (including in my own earlier work, Clash of spirits) as weak. However, this description fails to explain the longevity of Spanish rule (over three centuries); it also fails to explain complex events in the late nineteenth century such as the incorporation of the one-time maritime power, the Sulu Sultanate.

13 Roth, Dennis M., The friar estates of the Philippines (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1977), p. 16 .

14 Ibid.

15 Ibid., p. 152.

16 Roth, The friar estates; Palanco, Fernando, ‘The Tagalog revolts of 1745 according to Spanish primary sources’, Philippine Studies 58, 1–2 (2010): 4577 .

17 Roth, The friar estates, p. 16.

18 Guerrero, Leon Ma., The first Filipino: A biography of José Rizal, new ed. (Manila: Guerrero, 2010[1961]), p. 20 .

19 Aguilar, Clash of spirits, p. 127.

20 Ibid., pp. 158–9. See further Cuesta, Angel Martinez, History of Negros, trans. Felix, Alfonso Jr. and Sevilla, Sor Caritas (Manila: Historical Conservation Society, 1980).

21 Aguilar, Clash of spirits, p. 159.

22 Echaúz, Robustiano, Apuntes de la isla de Negros (Manila: Chofre y Cia, 1894), pp. 22–3.

23 Quirino, Carlos, The history of the Philippine sugar industry (Manila: Kalayaan, 1974), pp. 1920 .

24 The terms ‘creole’ and ‘peninsular’ as applied to Spanish individuals in this article are largely reputational. In census data presented later, the terms are census categories and therefore dependent on the definition followed by the enumerators. Nick Joaquin argues for the blurred distinction between creole and Spanish mestizo: ‘Up to around midway of the 19th century … the Philippine Creoles had no such scruples about blood purity and were distinguished as a class apart, as “Filipinos,” not so much by the amount of Spanish blood in their veins as by their culture, position and wealth.’ Joaquin, Nick, A question of heroes (Mandaluyong City: Anvil, 2005), p. 72 .

25 Aguilar, Filomeno Jr., ‘Beyond inevitability: The opening of Philippine provincial ports in 1855’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 25, 1 (1994): 7090 .

26 Quirino, The history of the Philippine sugar industry, p. 32.

27 The wide alluvial Iloilo Plain has been ‘one of the archipelago's historic granaries’ (McCoy, ‘A queen dies slowly’, pp. 298, 300). Today Iloilo is known as the ‘rice bowl’ of the Western Visayas, with about 132,000 ha under rice cultivation, only 42 per cent of which is irrigated. Iloilo produces a surplus that is shipped to Negros Occidental, Cebu, Leyte, Samar, and some parts of Mindanao. Olivares, Ireneo, ‘Iloilo’, in Why does the Philippines import rice? Meeting the challenges of trade liberalization, ed. Dawe, David C., Moya, Piedad F. and Casiwan, Cheryll B. (Los Baños: International Rice Research Institute, 2006), p. 119 .

28 See Legarda, After the galleons, pp. 169–70.

29 Aguilar, Clash of spirits, p. 83.

30 Larkin, The Pampangans, pp. 66–7.

31 Aguilar, Clash of spirits, pp. 103–4.

32 Ibid., p. 103.

33 Very roughly a cavan when applied to rice was equivalent to 60 kg, but it had a different equivalence for other products.

34 Aguilar, p. 115.

35 Ibid., p. 112.

36 Larkin, Sugar, p. 65.

37 ‘Estadística de los terrenos agrícolas de propiedad particular existentes en este pueblo, Pueblo de Minuluan’, Estadística, Negros Occidental, 1896, Part II, Manila, National Archives of the Philippines. Landownership also became extensive in Pampanga, with a great diversity in land sizes. Thirty-seven landowners’ wills from 1889 to 1896 bequeathed land ranging from 10 ha to 1,033 ha, with the average computed at 155 ha. The Spaniard Roberto Toledo reportedly owned 3,348 ha (Larkin, The Pampangans, pp. 76, 78). In many cases, however, farm holdings were scattered across the province and not contiguous because many were acquired through the widespread practice of pacto de retroventa (repurchase agreement) that worked following the Tagalog scheme of sanglang-bili, a system of pawning land that was deemed sold when the debtor did not redeem the property at the set time.

38 ‘Estado del número de habitantes en este pueblo durante el expresado año con expresión de razas’; ‘Numero de habitantes con expresión de razas’; ‘Estadistica de los terrenos agrícolas de propiedad particular existentes en este pueblo’; ‘Estado urbano-agricola-comercial de este pueblo durante el expresado año.’ Pueblo de La Carlota, 31 de Diciembre 1896. Estadística, Negros Occidental. Part I, National Archives of the Philippines, Manila.

39 Roth, The friar estates, p. 135.

40 Ibid., pp. 123–4.

41 Ibid., p. 135.

42 Ibid., p. 18.

43 Ibid., p. 143.

44 Arcilla, José, ‘Documents concerning the Calamba deportations of 1891’, Philippine Studies 18, 3 (1970): 592 .

45 Roth, The friar estates, p. 143.

46 Arcilla, ‘Documents’, p. 582.

47 Roth, The friar estates, pp. 139, 171.

48 Ibid., p. 171.

49 Ibid., p. 135. Calamba's rental income from rice similarly rose from 1,595 pesos in 1850 to 9,361 pesos in 1880 and further to 44,842 pesos in 1895 (ibid., p. 136).

50 Ibid., p. 142.

51 Ibid., p. 143.

52 Ibid., p. 141.

53 Roth, The friar estates; Dennis M. Roth, ‘Church lands in the agrarian history of the Tagalog region’, in McCoy and de Jesus, Philippine social history, pp. 131–53.

54 Roth, The friar estates, p. 85.

55 Aguilar, Clash of spirits, pp. 78–81.

56 Larkin, The Pampangans, p. 81.

57 Roth, The friar estates, p. 17.

58 Echaúz, Apuntes, p. 43.

59 Ibid., p. 44.

60 Aguilar, Clash of spirits, p. 126.

61 Ibid., pp. 141–6.

62 Ibid., pp. 130–41.

63 Echaúz, Apuntes, p. 56.

64 Larkin cites a 1911 article in Renacimiento Filipino that describes the administration system in Isidro de la Rama's hacienda in Bago, but of the ‘2,700-hectare estate’ only one-third was devoted to sugar. Larkin claims, despite the lack of strong evidence, that the ‘owner or employee management of a hacienda of salaried workers’ as the ‘most common system’ in Negros (Larkin, Sugar, p. 76). Similarly, McCoy contrasts the ‘Negros plantation’ from the ‘tenanted sugar plantations of Central Luzon’ in that ‘Negros haciendas were cultivated by supervised work-gangs paid on a nominal daily wage’ — an assertion that is not consistent with the historical evidence (McCoy, ‘A queen lies slowly’, p. 325). On this and other erroneous historical assertions about Negros, see Aguilar, Filomeno Jr., ‘The fulcrum of structure–agency: History and sociology of sugar haciendas in colonial Negros’, Philippine Sociological Review 61 (2013): 87122 .

65 ‘Estadistica … Minuluan’, National Archives of the Philippines.

66 Estadística, Negros Occidental, Part I, National Archives of the Philippines. In Puerto Rico members of the sugar planter class were known as colonos; see Giusti-Cordero, Juan, ‘Compradors or compadres? “Sugar barons” in Negros [the Philippines] and Puerto Rico under American rule’, in Sugarlandia revisited: Sugar and colonialism in Asia and the Americas, 1800 to 1940, ed. Bosma, Ulbe, Giusti-Cordero, Juan, and Roger, G. Knight (New York and Oxford: Berghahn, 2007), pp. 177202 .

67 Aguilar, Clash of spirits, pp. 126–55.

68 Ibid., pp. 215–22.

69 Arcilla, ‘Documents’, p. 582.

70 MacMicking, Recollections, pp. 281–2. See also Quirino, The history of the Philippine sugar industry, p. 30; Roth, The friar estates, p. 138.

71 See Larkin, The Pampangans, p. 81.

72 Larkin, Sugar, p. 48.

73 Legarda, After the galleons, pp. 255–89.

74 Ibid., p. 282.

75 Napoleon Bonaparte established the beet sugar industry in 1811, instigated by the British blockade of Europe and the Haitian revolution against Napoleon's brother-in-law, which curtailed the importation of cane sugar. By 1837 France had become the world's largest beet sugar producer, but Germany overtook it by 1880. Beet sugar was protected by bounties or subsidies to producers based on export production. In January 1885 Paciano wrote to younger brother José Rizal asking for accurate information on the state of beet sugar production in Europe in order to assess the threat it posed to Philippine sugar. The ‘real misfortune’, Paciano opined, was the country's ‘great distance from the grand centres of commerce’. de Filipinas, Biblioteca Nacional, Epistolario Rizalino, vol. 1: 1877–1887 (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1930), pp. 133–4.

76 Ibid., p. 128.

77 Arcilla, ‘Documents’, p. 582.

78 Roth, The friar estates, p. 138.

79 Aguilar, Clash of spirits, p. 107.

80 Ibid., p. 119. Legarda explains the bankruptcy of the American firms Russell-Sturgis in 1876 and Peele-Hubbell in 1887, the former for a host of reasons including mismanagement, the latter because of the sugar crisis. British merchant houses, which survived the 1880s crisis, were under the overall control of the parent company in Britain, with the resident partner in Manila having signing powers only. British companies were engaged in both imports and exports, while the American firms dealt in exports only (Legarda, After the galleons, pp. 320–26).

81 Legarda, After the galleons, pp. 275–9; Larkin, Sugar, p. 71. The Dominican order, along with the Augustinians, Franciscans, and Recollects, was known to have invested in Russell and Sturgis, but there is no information in the case of other foreign merchant houses (Legarda, After the galleons, p. 277). Apparently enterprising, the Dominicans loaned funds to the Spanish inquilinos after the 1891 deportation, incorporated the Hacienda de Calamba, and renamed it in English as the ‘Philippine Sugar Estates Development Corporation’ (Roth, The friar estates, pp. 151–2). Toward the end of the century the Dominicans had picked up a few lessons from the foreign merchant houses.

82 Aguilar, Clash of spirits, p. 107.

83 Legarda, After the galleons, p. 310. Loney's trading house folded up in 1875; Larkin, Sugar, p. 71.

84 Aguilar, Clash of spirits, p. 117. For slightly different figures, cf. Larkin, Sugar, pp. 61, 83.

85 Bosma et al. have argued that ‘[a]lthough it appeared an epoch-marking calamity to those affected by it, in retrospect, the “sugar crisis” of the mid-1880s was grossly inflated in terms of its impact. In fact, it was preceded by a fall in the world price of sugar for the previous two decades and simply worsened in the 1880s’. Ulbe Bosma, Juan Giusti-Cordero, and G. Roger Knight, ‘Sugarlandia revisited: Sugar and colonialism in Asia and the Americas, 1800 to 1940, an introduction’, in Bosma et al., Sugarlandia revisited, pp. 14–15. This panoptic survey is insensitive to the micro world of Calamba and its political ramifications for Philippine history.

86 Larkin, Sugar, pp. 54–6.

87 Ibid., p. 51.

88 Ibid.; Aguilar, Clash of spirits, pp. 121–4.

89 Larkin, Sugar, p. 71.

90 Ibid., pp. 71–2.

91 However, through a Spanish dealer, the use of steam mills manufactured in England reached Pampanga in 1858; by 1870 there were 31 such machines and by 1899 the number had risen to 177. Larkin states that José Puig, ‘a dealer in steam mills as well as land’, who engaged in ‘buying, selling, and leasing of machinery’, could have ‘constituted a strong factor in the adoption of steam milling by farmers throughout the province’ (Larkin, The Pampangans, pp. 70, 77–8). Apparently a Spanish entrepreneur brokered the distribution of these machines to sugar planters in Pampanga, thus obviating the need for foreign merchant houses to transact directly with the sugar hacenderos there, unlike in Negros.

92 Cited in Legarda, After the galleons, pp. 309–10.

93 As Larkin states (in Sugar, p. 53), ‘Weak markets prevented recovery, especially in central Luzon; moreover, several old sources of credit to the industry had dried up by this time. The two American firms that had supplied so much cash and machinery [to Pampanga] in former years had gone bankrupt, Russell, Sturgis in 1876 and Peele, Hubbell in 1887, while a large British lender, Smith, Bell, faced deep financial trouble because of its inability to sell its overstock of sugar in New York’.

94 Population data for Calamba in 1891 showed 14,019 naturales (natives), 16 español peninsulars (peninsular Spaniards), and 13 mestizos de español (Spanish mestizos). No one was listed as mestizo de sangley (Chinese mestizo). Boncocan, Rhina Alvero and Diestro, Dwight David, Nineteenth century conditions and the revolution in the province of Laguna (Quezon City: Center for Integrative and Development Studies, University of the Philippines, 2002), p. 40 .

95 Alfred McCoy, ‘Ylo-ilo: Factional conflict in a colonial economy, Iloilo Province, Philippines, 1937–1955’ (PhD diss., Yale University, 1977), pp. 67–70.

96 Aguilar, Clash of spirits, pp. 97–9.

97 Ibid., pp. 127–8.

98 Ibid., p. 128.

99 Ibid., p. 80.

100 The blatant oppression of labour, along with paternalistic strategies, would be a phenomenon of the twentieth century when the sugar planter class consolidated its hegemony under US colonial patronage (ibid., pp. 189–228).

101 Juan Caram (Hanna Karam) owned the 50-ha Hacienda Montelibano in Isabela, Negros Occidental, although it is uncertain when he actually obtained possession of this hacienda. Caram arrived in the Philippines around 1885, dedicated himself to trade, and by 1890 he and his wife and three children were living in Iloilo. William Clarence-Smith (email to the author, 16 Nov. 2015) very kindly shared this information with me. The court case involving Caram's descendants indicates that Caram passed away in 1939 and that ‘during their lifetime’ he and his spouse Maria Gacibe owned this hacienda in the interior municipality of Isabela in central Negros. ‘Miguel Caram and Fermin G. Caram, petitioners, vs. The Honourable Court of Appeals and Rosario Montilla, respondents’, G. R. No. L–7820 (Supreme Court, Republic of the Philippines, 1957), The LAWPHIL Project, http://www.lawphil.net/judjuris/juri1957/apr1957/gr_l-7820_1957.html (accessed 5 Nov. 2015). For an overview of migrants from the Ottoman Empire to the Philippines, see Clarence-Smith, William, ‘Middle Eastern migrants in the Philippines: Entrepreneurs and cultural brokers’, Asian Journal of Social Science 32, 3 (2004): 425–57.

102 Aguilar, Clash of spirits, p. 101.

103 Michael Cullinane, email to the author, 19 Nov. 2015.

104 Larkin, The Pampangans, p. 77.

105 Ibid.

106 Aguilar, Clash of spirits, p. 246.

107 Ibid.

108 Ibid., p. 101.

109 Martinez Cuesta, History of Negros, p. 376.

110 Cf. Larkin, Sugar, pp. 64–5.

111 De Borja, Marciano R., Basques in the Philippines (Reno: University of Nevada Press, 2005), pp. 146–7.

112 ‘Estado del número … Pueblo de La Carlota, 31 de Diciembre 1896’, Estadística, Negros Occidental. Part I, National Archives of the Philippines.

113 In the wake of the Carlist Wars and with the loss of Spanish America (except for Cuba and Puerto Rico) limiting their options, Basques migrated to the Philippines in sizeable numbers, perhaps about 2,000 in the course of the nineteenth century. This migration stream included Bizkaian seafarers; Navarrese traders and farmers who planted abaca, coconut, and sugarcane; Gipuzkoans who went to Mindanao or who engaged in trade, such as José Joaquin de Ynchausti, whose later partners were Navarrese, such as Elizalde; and Arabans who were mainly in government service and later set up their own businesses, such as the Ayalas. A handful of French Basques were established in Manila (De Borja, Basques in the Philippines, pp. 84–97).

114 Furnivall, John S., Colonial policy and practice: A comparative study of Burma and Netherlands India (New York: New York University Press, 1948).

115 Aguilar, Clash of spirits, pp. 106–10.

116 MacMicking, Recollections, p. 78.

117 Ibid., p. 90.

118 ‘Sobre los medios de colonizar la Ysla de Negros’, Regimio Molto to Gobernador Superior Civil, Cebu, 13 Aug. 1864 and 17 Aug. 1865, Legajo 447, Expediente No. 15, Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid. Molto wrote as head of the Gobierno Intendencia de la Provincia de Visayas (Intendancy Government of the Province of the Visayas).

119 Aguilar, Clash of spirits, p. 118.

120 Ibid., pp. 15–22.

121 Amid the crisis of the mid-1880s Antonio Tovar, governor of Negros, censured the foreign merchant houses for being casas acaparadoras (monopoly houses), acquiring Negros sugar on grossly unfair terms and leaving sugar planters with ‘frustrated dreams’ (ibid., p. 119).

122 Ibid., pp. 110–13.

123 Biblioteca Nacional de Filipinas, Epistolario Rizalino, p. 91.

124 Robles, Eliodoro, The Philippines in the nineteenth century (Quezon City: Malaya, 1969), p. 271 .

125 Roth explains that the diezmo predial was originally a tithe paid directly to the Catholic Church in medieval Spain, but under the Patronato Real the Crown obtained the right to administer this fund to support missionary activities. In Las Islas Filipinas only Spanish lay and religious landowners paid this land tax, and natives were exempt unless they were tenants of these landowners. This tax was bitterly resented by Spanish landowners, who felt discriminated against because natives did not have to pay it (Roth, The friar estates, pp. 144–5). In 1866 the Royal Economic Society recommended the suppression of the diezmos prediales, but to no avail (Robles, The Philippines, p. 212).

126 Roth, The friar estates, p. 145.

127 Ibid., p. 95.

128 Schumacher, The Propaganda Movement, p. 246. Another irritant was the collection of rent for house lots, which became the responsibility of the leaseholders. As the inquilinos took on more of such responsibilities, ‘they became less willing to suffer rent increases and the threat of eviction’ (Roth, The friar estates, p. 151).

129 Rizal, José, ‘La verdad para todos / The truth for everybody’, La Solidaridad, vol. 1: 1889, trans. Fores-Ganzon, Guadalupe (Pasig City: Fundación Santiago, 1996), pp. 168–77.

130 Guerrero, The first Filipino, pp. 195–203.

131 Anderson, Benedict, Under three flags: Anarchism and the anti-colonial imagination (Pasig City: Anvil, 2006).

132 Aguilar, Clash of spirits, pp. 119–20.

133 Ibid., pp. 135–8.

134 Ibid., pp. 138–40.

135 Ibid., pp. 146–8.

136 Ibid., pp. 126–30.

137 Ibid., pp. 149–53.

138 Rizal, ‘Sobre la indolencia’, pp. 416, 420.

139 Aguilar, Clash of spirits, pp. 120–25.

140 Aguilar, Filomeno Jr., ‘The Republic of Negros’, Philippine Studies 48, 4 (2000): 2652 . On 4 March 1899 the people of Bacolod welcomed the US occupation force, but the Negros sugar elites continued to hedge their bets (ibid., pp. 31–2).

This is a revised version of a paper presented at the conference, ‘Coexistencia e Interacción entre Comunidades en Las Filipinas del Siglo XIX’, Instituto de Historia, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Históricas (CSIC), Madrid, 4–6 Nov. 2015. Many thanks to Lola Elizalde and Xavier Heutz de Lemps for the invitation to participate in this conference. Many thanks to Leloy Claudio, Carol Hau, Mike Pante, and the CSIC conference participants, particularly William Clarence-Smith, Mike Cullinane, and Al McCoy, for stimulating comments, questions, and suggestions that have vastly improved this article. I also thank the referees for their valuable feedback on an earlier version. This is the last of my papers that I had the distinct privilege of having Ben Anderson read; despite his failing health, he gave me pointed comments and precious time. The remaining errors are my sole responsibility.

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