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An Early Age of Commerce in Southeast Asia, 900–1300 CE

  • Geoff Wade

Abstract

One of the most influential ideas in Southeast Asian history in recent decades has been Anthony Reid's Age of Commerce thesis, which sees a commercial boom and the emergence of port cities as hubs of commerce over the fifteenth to seventeenth centuries, which in turn spurred political, social and economic changes throughout the region. But how new were the changes described in Reid's Age of Commerce? This paper argues that the four centuries from circa 900 to 1300 CE can be seen as an ‘Early Age of Commerce’ in Southeast Asia. During this period, a number of commercial and financial changes in China, South Asia, the Middle East and within the Southeast Asian region, greatly promoted maritime trade, which induced the emergence of new ports and urban centres, the movement of administrative capitals toward the coast, population expansion, increased maritime links between societies, the expansion of Theravada Buddhism and Islam, increased monetisation, new industries, new forms of consumption and new mercantile organisations. It is thus proposed that the period from 900 to 1300 be considered the Early Age of Commerce in Southeast Asian history.

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1 Reid, Anthony, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 2 vols. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988–93).

2 Including Pegu, Arakan, Patani, Aceh, Banten and Makassar.

3 Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, vol. II, pp. 32–6.

4 Ibid., pp. 107–13.

5 Ibid., pp. 114–23.

6 Ibid., p. 132. Tony Day, however, suggests that ‘the evidence for strong continuities across and beyond the quasi divide of the fifteenth century, especially where kingship, kinship, and respect for spirits and ancestors at all levels of society are concerned, is overwhelming, even in studies which argue the case for “religious revolution”’. Refer to Day, Tony, ‘Ties that (un)bind: Families and states in Premodern Southeast Asia’, Journal of Asian Studies, 55: 2 (1996): 384410.

7 Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, vol. II, pp. 219–33.

8 A term also employed by John Miksic of the National University of Singapore.

9 Mark Elvin, quoted in Glahn, Richard von, Fountain of fortune: Money and monetary policy in China 1000–1700 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), p. 48.

10 Von Glahn, Fountain of fortune, p. 48.

11 For a study of the court official Wang An-shi and his financial and other reforms of Song administration, refer to Williamson, H.R., Wang Anshih: A Chinese statesman and educationalist of the Sung dynasty (London: Arthur Probsthain, 1935).

12 Von Glahn, Fountain of fortune, p. 49.

13 But sometimes only 600–700 coins per string. Refer to ibid., p. 52.

14 Ibid., p. 49.

15 The ‘Nan-hai’ (南海) — A generic name for the maritime regions to the south of China and beyond.

16 Xu zi-zhi tong-jian chang-bian, juan 85.19b.

17 Von Glahn, Fountain of fortune, p. 54.

18 Ibid., pp. 53–4.

19 Keith, D.H., ‘A fourteenth century shipwreck at Sinan-gun (Korea)’, Archaeology, 33, 2 (1980).

20 Von Glahn, Fountain of fortune, p. 65.

21 A seminal work on the Song trading systems is that by Shiba Yoshinobu, partially translated by Elvin, Mark, Commerce and Society in Sung China (University of Michigan Press, 1969).

22 Wheatley, ‘Geographical notes on some commodities involved in Sung maritime trade’, pp. 22–3.

23 The successive maritime trade port offices were established in the following order: Guang-zhou 廣州 (971 CE); Hang-zhou 杭州 (989); Ding-hai 定海 (992); Quan-zhou 泉州 (1087); Ban-qiao 板橋 (1088); and Hua-ting (Shang-hai) 華亭 (1113). After the Song were pushed south of the Yangtze, a further two offices were established: Wen-zhou 溫州 (1131) and Jiang-yin 江陰 (1146). The majority of these offices were engaged with trade to and from Southeast Asian ports.

24 So, Billy K.L., Prosperity, region and institutions in maritime China: The south Fukien pattern, 946–1368 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000), pp. 46–7.

25 Ibid., pp. 68–70. See also, Hugh Clark, ‘The politics of trade and the establishment of the Quanzhou trade superintendency’, pp. 387–90.

26 Wheatley, , ‘Geographical notes on some commodities involved in Sung maritime trade’, Journal of the Malayan/Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 32, 2 (1959): 393.

27 Ibid., 24. References to these missions can be seen in Song hui-yao ji-gao, juan 44.2b.

28 Song Shi, juan 5.

29 Song hui-yao ji-gao, juan 44-2a-3b.

30 Heng, Derek Thiam Soon, ‘Export commodity and regional currency: The role of Chinese copper coins in the Melaka straits, tenth to fourteenth centuries’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 37 (2006): 179203. Refer also to p. 183.

31 Jacq-Hergoualc'h, Michel, The Malay peninsula: Crossroads of the maritime Silk Road (Leiden: Brill, 2002), p. 393.

32 Heng, ‘Export commodity and regional currency’, p. 187.

33 Von Glahn, Fountain of fortune, p. 55.

34 Wheatley, ‘Geographical notes on some commodities involved in Sung maritime trade’.

35 Guy, John S., Oriental trade ceramics in South-East Asia: Ninth to sixteenth centuries (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1986). Refer to ‘The expansion of China's trade with South-East Asia’, pp. 13–22.

36 Endicott-West, Elizabeth, ‘The Yüan government and society’, in The Cambridge history of China: Vol. 6 – Alien regimes and border states, 907–1368, ed. Franke, Herbert and Twitchett, Denis, pp. 599–60.

37 Deng, Gang, Maritime sector, institutions and sea power of premodern China (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1999), p. 122.

38 Endicott-West, ‘The Yüan government and society’, pp. 599–600.

39 Hartwell, Robert M., ‘Demographic, political and social transformations of China, 750–1550’, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 42, 2 (1982): 366.

40 Ibid., p. 369.

41 Ibid., p. 384.

42 von Glahn, Richard, ‘Revisiting the Song monetary revolution: A review essay’, in International Journal of Asian Studies, 1, 1 (2004): 159.

43 Elvin, Mark, The pattern of the Chinese past (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1973), pp. 146 and 149. See also Von Glahn, ‘Revisiting the Song monetary revolution’, p. 159.

44 So, Prosperity, region and institutions in maritime China.

45 Clark, Hugh, Community, trade and networks: Southern Fujian province from the third to the thirteenth century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991).

46 So, Prosperity, region and institutions in maritime China, pp. 27–50.

47 Ibid., p. 40.

48 Ibid., pp. 53–4.

49 Pin-tsun, Chang, ‘The formation of a maritime trade convention in Minnan’, in From the Mediterranean to the China Sea, ed. Guillot, Claude, Lombard, Denys and Ptak, Roderich (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1998), p. 149.

50 James Chin Kong, ‘Merchants and other sojourners: The Hokkiens overseas, 1570–1760’ (Ph.D. Diss., University of Hong Kong 1998), p. 9. Detail extracted from juan 489 of the Song Shi, the dynastic history of the Song dynasty: ‘Account of She-po’.

51 Ibid., p. 10.

52 Ibid., p. 11.

53 Each dan was equivalent to approximately 133 pounds.

54 Sumio, Fukami, ‘The long 13th century of Tambralinga: From Javaka to Siam’, in The Memoirs of the research department of the Toyo Bunko, 62 (2004): 55–6.

55 The pagoda at Nagapattinam, according to the Dao-yi zhi-lue, bore an inscription in Chinese reading: ‘Completed in the eighth month of the third year of the Xian-chun reign’ (咸淳三年八月,, 畢工), corresponding to Aug./Sept. 1267, and suggesting quite some settlement of Chinese in that port city in the second half of the thirteenth century. Refer to Fukami, ‘The long 13th century of Tambralinga’, p. 56.

56 Refer to James Chin Kong, ‘Merchants and other sojourners’, p. 17.

57 Ibid., pp. 17–19.

58 Ibid., p. 17.

59 Wink, André, Al-Hind: The making of the Indo-Islamic world, three vols. (Leiden, Brill, 1991–2004), vol. I, p. 65; and vol. II, p. 1.

60 Ibid., vol. I, pp. 72–86.

61 For further details, refer to Denys Lombard, Le carrefour Javanais: Essai d'histoire globale (Paris: EHSS), vol. II, p. 28. For an English version of the tale, refer to the translation by Quennell, Peter, The book of the marvels of India (London: Routledge and Sons, 1928), pp. 92–7. Buzurg's, work is also available in English in, The wonders of India, ed. Freeman-Grenville, G.S.P. and Capt Buzurg ibn Shahriyar of Ramhormuz (London: East-West Publications, 1981).

62 Hourani, George F., Arab seafaring in the Indian Ocean in ancient and early medieval times (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), p. 79.

63 Liu, Xinru and Schaffer, Lynda Norene, Connections across Eurasia: Transportation, communication and cultural exchange on the Silk Road (New York: McGraw Hill, 2007), pp. 196201.

64 For details of which, refer to Laffan, Michael, Finding Java: Muslim nomenclature of insular Southeast Asia from Śrîvijaya to Snouk Hurgronje, Asia Research Institute Working Paper Series, No. 52, Nov. 2005.

65 See the work of Abū Zaid (916 CE), which mentions Zabaj and Qmār; the Muruj al-Dhahab of Mas‘udi (10th century) which mentions Zabaj, China, India, Kalah, Sirandib, Sribuza and the sea of Sanf; the work of Abu Dulaf (c. 940 CE), which recorded Sandabil, China, Kalah and Qamrun; the work of Ibn Serapion (c. 950), which mentions Kalah, Zabaj, Harang and Fansur; the work of Ibn al-Nadīm (988 CE) which notes Qmar, Sanf and Luqin; the Aja'ib al-Hind (c. 1000 CE) which mentions Malayu, China, Sanf; Mait, Sribuza, Zabaj, Lamuri, Fansur, Kalah, and Qaqulla; the Mukhtasar al-Aja'ib (c.1000 CE), which records Sanf, Kalah, Jaba, Salahit and Zabaj; Biruni's India (early 11th century), which records Zabaj and Qmar; the work of Marwazi (c. 1120 CE), which records Zabaj and Lankabalus; and the text of Idrisi (of the mid-12th century), which lists Zabaj, Karimata, Ramni, China, Qmur, Niyan, Balus, Kalah, Harang, Jaba, Salahit, Ma'it, Tiyuma, Sanf, Qmar, Luqin and China. Refer also to Tibbetts, G.R., A study of the Arabic texts containing material on South-East Asia (Leiden: Brill for the Royal Asiatic Society, 1979); and Ferrand, Gabriel, Relations de voyages et texts rélatifs à l'Extrême Orient, 2 vols. (Paris, 1913–14). See also, for some new interpretations, Michael Laffan, Finding Java: Muslim nomenclature of insular Southeast Asia from Śrîvijaya to Snouk Hurgronje.

66 Salmon, Claudine, ‘Les Persans à l'extrémité orientale de la route maritime (IIe AE - XVIIe siècle)’, Archipel, 68 (2004): 2358.

67 Goitein, S.D., Letters of medieval Jewish traders (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1973). See pp. 175–230 for the letters from India traders, including details of those who had travelled as far as Sumatra and Kalah.

68 Referring to Islamic peoples of central Asia and China.

69 Hirth also cites from the Tu-shu ji-cheng (juan 1380), a 14th-century reference to a temple at the port of Lian-tang on Hai-nan, where the deity was know as Bo-zhu (舶主), or ‘Lord of the Ships’, where pork was forbidden and where everyone referred to the temple as the fan-shen-miao (蕃神廟), or ‘temple of the foreign deity’. Refer to Kuwabara, Pu Shou-keng, II, p. 21.

70 Sastri, K.A. Nilakanta, The Cōlas (Madras: University of Madras, 1955), p. 607.

71 See, for example, Subbarayalu, Y., ‘The Tamil merchant-guild inscription at Barus: A rediscovery’, in Histoire de Barus, Sumatra: Le site de Lobu Tua, I – Études et Documents, ed. Guillot, Claude (Paris: Cahier d'Archipel 30, 1998), pp. 2533. The inscription is dated to the equivalent of 1088 CE. A useful overview of the inscriptions can be found in Christie, Jan Wisseman, ‘The medieval Tamil-language inscriptions in Southeast Asia and China’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 29, 2 (1998): 239–68.

72 Possibly in part as a result of the Nong (Tai) attacks on Pan-yu (Guang-zhou) in 1052. Refer to Seong, Tan Yeok, ‘The Śri Vijayan inscription of Canton (A.D. 1079)’, Journal of Southeast Asian History, 5, 2 (1964): 17 and 23.

73 The oldest mosque in Quan-zhou – the Qing-jing Mosque – reputedly dates from the 11th century when the port began to rise in importance.

74 Wink, Al-Hind, vol. II, pp. 276–77, citing Forbes, A.D.W., ‘Southern Arabia and the Islamicisation of the central Indian Ocean archipelagoes’, Archipel, 21 (1981).

75 Da-Sheng, Chen, ‘A Brunei sultan in the early 14th century: Study of an Arabic gravestone’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 23, 1 (1992): 113.

76 Franke, W. and T'ieh-fan, Ch'en, ‘A Chinese inscription of A.D. 1264 discovered recently in Brunei’, Brunei Museum Journal, 3, 1 (1973): 91–9.

77 For the most detailed available account of Pu Shou-geng, refer to Jitsuzo, Kuwabara, ‘On P'u Shou-keng’, Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko, vol. II (1928): 179, and VII (1935): 1–104. See also So, Prosperity, region and institutions in maritime China, ‘Appendix B – P'u Shou-keng: A reassessment’, pp. 301–5.

78 Schottenhammer, Angela, ‘The maritime trade of Quanzhou (Zaitun) from the ninth through the thirteenth century’, in Archaeology of seafaring: The Indian Ocean in the ancient period, ed. Ray, Himanshu Prabha (Delhi: Pragati Publications, 1999), pp. 271–90.

79 Schottenhammer, ‘The maritime trade of Quanzhou’, p. 272.

80 Gibb, H.A.R., The travels of Ibn Battuta A.D. 1325–1354 (London: The Hakluyt Society, 1994). Refer to vol. IV, p. 817: ‘This city [Kawlam/Quilon] is the nearest of the Mulaibār towns to China and it is to it that most of the merchants [from China] come.’

81 Gungwu, Wang, ‘The Nanhai trade: A study of the early history of Chinese trade in the South China Sea’, JMBRAS, 31, 2 (1958).

82 Ray, Haraprasad, Trade and trade routes between India and China, c. 140 B.C.–A.D. 1500 (Kolkata: Progressive Publishers, 2003); and Ray, Haraprasad, Chinese sources of South Asian history in translation: Data for study of India-China relations through history (Kolkata: Asiatic Society, 2004).

83 Guy, John, ‘Tamil merchant guilds and the Quanzhou trade’, in The emporium of the world: Maritime Quanzhou, 1000–1400, ed. Schottenhammer, Angela, pp. 283308. Refer to p. 287, quoting Nilakanta Sastri.

84 Wolters, Early Indonesian commerce, p. 250.

85 Wink, Al-Hind, vol. I, pp. 309–11.

86 Sen, Tansen, Buddhism, diplomacy and trade: The realignment of Sino-Indian relations 600–1400 (Honolulu: Association for Asian Studies, University of Hawai'i Press, 2003), p. 156. See also Sen, Tansen, ‘Maritime contacts between China and the Cola Kingdom (A.D. 850–1279)’, in Mariners, merchants and oceans: Studies in maritime History, ed. Mathew, K.S. (Delhi: Manohar, 1995), pp. 2542.

87 Sen, Buddhism, diplomacy and trade, p. 156.

88 Sastri, The Cōlas, pp. 460–80.

89 Abraham, Meera, ‘Two medieval merchant guilds of south India’, South Asian Studies, XVIII, 1988: 87.

90 Sastri, The Cōlas, pp. 595–8.

91 Champakalakshmi, R., Trade, ideology and urbanization: South India 300 BC to AD 1300 (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996).

92 Subbarayalu, ‘The Tamil merchant-guild inscription at Barus: A rediscovery’, pp. 25–33.

93 Sen, Buddhism, diplomacy and trade, p. 158.

94 Wink, Al-Hind, vol. I, p. 320.

95 Sen, Buddhism, diplomacy and trade, pp. 156–8. See also, Wink, Al-Hind, vol. I, p. 323–7.

96 Sarkar, H.B., ‘South India in Old Javanese and Sanskrit inscriptions’, BKI, 125 (1969): 202–4.

97 Champakalakshmi, R., ‘State and economy: South India circa A.D. 400–1300’, in Recent perspectives of early Indian History, ed. Thapar, Romila (Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1995), p. 289.

98 Guy, ‘Tamil merchant guilds and the Quanzhou trade’, pp. 295–302.

99 For which, see the various contributions in In search of Chinese ceramic sherds in south India and Sri Lanka, ed. Noboru Karashima (Tokyo: Taisho University Press, 2004).

100 For details of Chinese texts on southern India during the Yuan, see Ptak, Roderich, ‘Yuan and early Ming notices on the Kayal area in south India’, Bulletin de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient, 80 (1993): 137–55.

101 Sen, Buddhism, diplomacy and trade, p. 158.

102 Christie, Jan Wisseman, ‘Javanese markets and the Asian sea trade boom of the tenth to thirteenth centuries A.D.’, Journal of the Social and Economic History of the Orient, 41, 3 (1998): 344–81.

103 Michael Flecker, one of the excavators, suggests that ‘Its location in Indonesian waters, and its cargo of Chinese ceramics, provide compelling archaeological evidence for direct trade between the Western Indian Ocean and China in the first millennium.’ Refer to http://maritime-explorations.com/belitung.htm (last accessed on 6 Jan. 2009).

104 For which see Manguin, Pierre-Yves, ‘Trading ships of the South China Sea: Shipbuilding techniques and their role in the development of Asian trade networks’, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 36 (1993), pp. 253–80.

105 Located some 40 nautical miles off the coast of Sumatra, nearly half-way between Bangka and Jakarta. It was excavated in 1997.

106 The key study of this wreck and its cargo is Michael Flecker's book based on his doctoral dissertation, conducted under the supervision of John Miksic: Flecker, Michael, The archaeological excavation of the 10th century Intan shipwreck (Oxford: Archaeopress, 2002). See also, http://maritime-explorations.com/intan.htm (last accessed on 6 Jan. 2009).

107 The only study of this wreck: Ridho, Abu and McKinnon, E. Edwards, The Pulau Buaya wreck: Finds from the Song period (Jakarta: The Ceramics Society of Indonesia, 1998).

108 A number of studies of this wreck are collected in The Java Sea wreck archaeological report, ed. William Mathers and Michael Flecker (Annapolis: Pacific Sea Resources, 1997).

109 Refer to http://maritime-explorations.com/java%20sea.htm (last accessed on 6 Jan. 2009).

110 See, for example, Shiro, Momoki, ‘Đại Việt and the South China Sea trade from the 10th to the 15th century’, Crossroads, 12, 1 (1998): 134; Tana, Li, ‘A view from the sea: Perspectives on the northern and central Vietnamese coasts’, in Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 37, 1 (2006): 83102; and Whitmore, John K., ‘The rise of the coast: Trade, state and culture in early Dại Việt’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 37, 1 (2006): 103–22.

111 Li Tana, ‘A view from the sea’, 89. Whitmore phrases it thus: ‘What was taking place through the twelfth century was the formation of this coastal zone as an area of transition between the international and the internal, between lower and upper Đại Việt. The zone was much more commercial: it was open to the outside world and involved more directly with developments in China than was inland Đại Việt.’ Refer to Whitmore, ‘The rise of the coast’, p. 111.

112 Li Tana, ‘A view from the sea’, p. 88.

113 Tatsuro, Yamamoto, ‘Vân Ðồn, a trade port in Vietnam’, Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko, 39 (1981): 132.

114 Li Tana, ‘A view from the sea’, p. 92.

115 Momoki, ‘Đại Việt and the South China Sea trade’; and Whitmore, ‘The rise of the coast’, p. 108, and especially note 12.

116 Whitmore, ‘The rise of the coast’, p. 109.

117 Li Tana, ‘A view from the sea’, p. 96.

118 Whitmore, ‘The rise of the coast’, p. 116.

119 Ibid., p. 118.

120 Usually equated with Srivijaya.

121 ‘Ma-yi’ (麻逸) is one of various ways of representing a polity name, often rendered as Mait. There seems to be agreement that it lay in the modern Philippines Islands. Some suggest that it was the precursor of Maynila/Manila, while others aver that it represented Mindoro.

122 See Geoff Wade, Champa in the Song hui-yao: A draft translation, Asia Research Institute Online Working Papers, No. 53, Dec. 2005, http://www.ari.nus.edu.sg/docs/wps/wps05_053.pdf (last accessed on 6 Jan. 2009).

123 Whitmore, ‘The rise of the coast’, p. 110.

124 Ptak, Roderich, ‘China and the trade in cloves, circa 960–1435’, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 113 (1993): 113. See chart on p. 7.

125 Southworth, William A., ‘The coastal states of Champa’, in Glover, Ian and Bellwood, Peter, Southeast Asia: From prehistory to history (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004), p. 228.

126 Refer to Song Hui-yao, ‘Fan yi’ section, book 199, vol. VIII, p. 7846.

127 Wang Yu-cheng (王禹偁), Xiao-chu-ji (小畜集), juan 14 as quoted in Da-ke, Liao, Fu-jian hai-wai jiao-tong-shi (Fu-jian ren-min chu-ban-she, 2002), p. 91.

128 Unidentified, but as it shares the name of the northernmost region of Champa as described by the Song Hui-yao ji-gao, probably a local aromatic.

129 Quite likely Middle Eastern forged steel, famous for Persian swords and known later as ‘Damascus steel’. The ‘beacon’ name is presumably a reference to the powerful fire used for forging.

130 Hall, Kenneth and Whitmore, John K., ‘Southeast Asian trade and the isthmian struggle, 1000–1200 A.D.’, in Hall, Kenneth R. and Whitmore, John K., Explorations in Southeast Asian history: The origins of Southeast Asian statecraft (Ann Arbor: Centre for South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of Michigan, 1976). Refer to p. 307.

131 Coedès, George, The Indianized states of Southeast Asia, trans. Cowing, Susan Brown and ed. Walter F. Vella (Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1968), p. 132.

132 Lieberman, Strange parallels: Southeast Asia in global context, c. 800–1830, p. 222.

133 Michael Vickery, ‘A survey of the Cambodian economy – Funan to 14th century’, paper presented at the ‘Angkor – Landscape, City and Temple’ Conference, University of Sydney, July 2006.

134 Groslier, Bernard P., ‘Introduction to the ceramic wares of Angkor’, in Khmer ceramics 9th–14th century, ed. Stock, Diana (Singapore: Southeast Asian Ceramics Society, 1981), p. 15.

135 Khmer ceramics, p. 24.

136 Lieberman, Strange parallels, p. 92.

137 Ibid., p. 94.

138 Stargardt, Janice, ‘Burma's economic and diplomatic relations with India and China from early medieval sources’, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 14 (1971): 3862.

139 Lieberman, Strange parallels, p. 94.

140 Hall and Whitmore, ‘Southeast Asian trade and the isthmian struggle’, pp. 306–7.

141 Ibid., p. 312.

142 Cūlavamsa 76: 10–75. Cūlavamsa, being the more recent part of the Mahāvamsa, trans. Wilhelm Geiger (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, 1996).

143 Hall and Whitmore, ‘Southeast Asian trade and the isthmian struggle’, p. 315.

144 Chandler, David, A history of Cambodia (Boulder: Westview Press, 2008), pp. 50–1. See also Coedès, The Indianized states of Southeast Asia, pp. 136–7.

145 Hartwell, Robert M., Tribute missions to China 960–1126 (Philadelphia: Pa., 1983), p. 149.

146 Hirth, Friedrich and Rockhill, W.W., Chau Ju-kua: His work on the Chinese and Arab trade in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, entitled Chu-fan-chï (Taipei: Ch'eng-wen Publishing Company reprint, 1967), p. 53.

147 The first reference to Xian (暹) in Chinese sources appears to be that contained in juan 418 of the Song shi (History of the Song Dynasty), where in the biography of the Song loyalist Chen Yi-zhong (陳宜中), it is noted: ‘In the 19th year of the Zhi-yuan reign (1282/83), the Great Army [i.e. the Mongol forces] attacked Champa, and [Chen] Yi-zhong fled to Xian. He subsequently died in Xian.’

148 Tatsuro, Yamamoto, ‘Thailand as it is referred to in the Da-de Nan-hai zhi at the beginning of the fourteenth century’, Journal of East-West Maritime Relations, 1 (1989): 51.

149 Hein, Don and Barbetti, Mike, ‘Si-Satchanalai and the development of glazed stoneware in Southeast Asia’, Siam Society Newsletter, 4, 3 (1988): 12.

150 Christie, Jan Wisseman, ‘Javanese markets and the Asian sea trade boom of the tenth to thirteenth centuries A.D.’, Journal of the Social and Economic History of the Orient, 41, 3 (1998): 344.

151 Christie, , ‘Asian sea trade between the tenth and thirteenth centuries and its impact on the states of Java and Bali’, in Archaeology of seafaring: The Indian Ocean in the ancient period, ed. Ray, Himanshu Prabha (Delhi: Pragati Publications, 1999), pp. 221–70.

152 Ibid., p. 223.

153 Christie, Javanese markets, p. 352.

154 Ibid., pp. 352, 373–4.

155 Ibid., p. 354.

156 Shiba Yoshinobu, Commerce and society in Sung China, pp. 202–4.

157 Hirth and Rockhill, Chau Ju-kua, p. 78.

158 Christie, Javanese markets, p. 356, quoting Muller, H.R.A., Javanese terracottas: Terra incognita (Lochem: Tijdstroom, 1978), pp. 54–7.

159 Christie, Javanese markets, p. 357.

160 Jan Wisseman Christie, ‘Patterns of trade in western Indonesia: Ninth through thirteenth centuries A.D.’ (Ph.D thesis, University of London, May 1982), p. 146. See also Wicks, Robert S., ‘Monetary developments in Java between the ninth and sixteenth centuries: A numismatic perspective’, in Indonesia, 42 (Oct. 1986): 44.

161 It has been suggested that ‘Metal when used to facilitate the exchange of goods is currency; currency when used according to specific weight standards is money.’

162 Jan Christie notes that while the masa unit was noted in inscriptions from the 9th to 11th centuries, the kupang begins to appear only in the 11th or 12th centuries. See also, Wicks, ‘Monetary developments in Java between the ninth and sixteenth centuries’, pp. 45–6. The term kupang has come down to us in the modern era, with people in Penang, Malaysia, for example, still using the term for a 10-cent coin.

163 Wicks, ‘Monetary developments in Java’, pp. 50–1.

164 Christie, ‘Asian sea trade between the tenth and thirteenth centuries’, p. 230.

165 Heng, Export commodity and regional currency, p. 186.

166 Refer to Jones, Antoinette M. Barrett, Early tenth century Java from the inscriptions (Dordrecht: Foris Publications, 1984), p. 25. Barrett Jones specifies these inscriptions as being those from Kuti, Kaladi and Palĕbuhan.

167 Ibid., pp. 186–7.

168 Sarkar, Himanshu Bhusan, Corpus of the inscriptions of Java (Calcutta: Firma K.L. Mukhopadhyay, 1971). Refer to vol. II, pp. 216–17.

169 Ibid., vol. I, p. 86. See also Lombard, Denys, Le carrefour Javanais: Essai d'histoire globale (Paris: EHSS, 1990), vol. II, p. 22.

170 Sarkar, H.B., ‘South India in Old Javanese and Sanskrit inscriptions’, BKI, 125 (1969): 201.

171 Christie, ‘Asian sea trade between the tenth and thirteenth centuries’, p. 245. See also, Sarkar, ‘South India in Old Javanese and Sanskrit inscriptions’, p. 200.

172 Christie, ‘Asian sea trade between the tenth and thirteenth centuries and its impact on the states of Java and Bali’, pp. 247–8.

173 Sarkar, ‘South India in Old Javanese and Sanskrit inscriptions’, p. 201.

174 Christie, Javanese markets, p. 362.

175 For which, see Guan, Kwa Chong, ‘From Temasik to Singapore: Locating a global City-State in the cycles of Melaka straits history’, in Early Singapore 1300–1819; Evidence in maps, text and artefacts, ed. Miksic, John N. and Gek, Cheryl-Ann Low Mei (Singapore: Singapore History Museum, 2004), pp. 124–46.

176 Sumio Fukami argues that the Chinese term San-fo-qi, often rendered as Srivijaya, was actually a generic name for polities or tributaries in the Melaka Straits, and is equivalent with the Zabaj of the Arabs. He offers evidence with names in the Chinese texts including San-fo-qi Zhan-bei (Jambi) and San-fo-qi Zhu-nian (Cōla). Refer to Fukami, Sumio, ‘San-fo-qi, Srivijaya, and the historiography of insular Southeast Asia’, in Commerce et navigation en Asie du Sud-Est, XIVe-XIXe siècle, ed. Anh, Nguyen The and Ishizawa, Yoshiaki (Paris & Montréal (Québec): l'Harmattan, 1998), pp. 3146. See also, Laffan, Finding Java.

177 Wolters, Oliver, Early Indonesian commerce: A study of the origins of Śrīvijaya (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1967).

178 For a detailed bibliography of works relating to Srivijaya, refer to Manguin, Pierre-Yves, A bibliography for Sriwijayan studies (EFEO: Jakarta, 1989). Key early articles on the inscriptions of Srivijaya are presented in Coedès, George and Damais, Louis-Charles, Sriwijaya: History, religion and language of an early Malay polity, ed. Manguin, Pierre-Yves and Sheppard, Mubin, JMBRAS (1992).

179 Manguin, Pierre-Yves, ‘Sriwijaya and the early trade in Chinese ceramics, observations on recent finds from Palembang (Sumatra)’, in Report, UNESCO Maritime Route of Silk Roads, Nara Symposium ‘91 (Nara: The Nara International Foundation, 1993), pp. 122–33.

180 Wink, Al-Hind, vol. I, p. 354.

181 So Kee-long, , ‘Dissolving hegemony or changing trade pattern? Images of Srivijaya in the Chinese sources of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 29, 2 (1998): 296.

182 Ibid., pp. 296–7.

183 Seong, Tan Yeok, ‘The Śrī Vijayan inscription of Canton (A.D. 1079)’, Journal of Southeast Asian History, 5, 2 (1964): 20–1.

184 Wolters, O.W., ‘A note on the capital of Śrīvijaya during the eleventh century’, in Essays offered to G. H. Luce by his colleagues and friends in honour of his seventy-fifth birthday, ed. Shin, Ba et al. (Ascona, Switzerland: Artibus Asiae, 1966), vol. I, pp. 225–39. See also Wolters, O.W., Early Indonesian commerce: A study of the origins of Śrīvijaya (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1967), p. 266, n. 33.

185 Extracted from Ping-zhou ke-tan. Refer to So Kee-long, ‘Dissolving hegemony or changing trade pattern?’, p. 299.

186 Heng, Export commodity and regional currency, p. 181.

187 Ibid., pp. 181–4.

188 Hirth and Rockhill, Chau Ju-kua, p. 60.

189 Salmon, Claudine, ‘Srivijaya, la Chine et les marchands chinois (Xe-XIIe s.) – Quelques réflexions sur la société de l'empire sumatranais’, Archipel, 63 (2002): 5778.

190 Coedès, The Indianized states of Southeast Asia, p. 132.

191 Coedès, , ‘Some problems in the ancient history of the Hinduized states of South-East Asia’, Journal of Southeast Asian History, 5, 2 (1964): 7.

192 Wolters, Early Indonesian commerce, p. 251.

193 Ibid., pp. 250–3.

194 Ibid., p. 252. So Kee-lung also considers that Srivijaya declined in the 13th century, but suggests that this resulted from ‘a shift from a transhipment orientation to an export orientation rather than the mass arrival of Chinese merchants’. See So Kee-long, ‘Dissolving hegemony or changing trade pattern?’, p. 307.

195 Bonatz, Dominik, Neidel, J.D. and Tjoa-Bonatz, M.L., ‘The megalithic complex of highland Jambi: An archaeological perspective’, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 162, 4 (2006): 490522.

196 Described in E. Edwards McKinnon, ‘Kota Cina: Its context and meaning in the trade of Southeast Asia in the twelfth to fourteenth centuries’ (Ph.D. diss., Cornell University, 1984).

197 Miksic places Kota Cina in a regional context in Miksic, ‘The classical cultures of Indonesia’, pp. 248–9.

198 Heng, Export commodity and regional currency, p. 194.

199 Ibid., pp. 194–5.

200 See Milner, A.C., McKinnon, E. Edwards and Sinar, Tengku Luckman, ‘A note on Aru and Kota Cina’, Indonesia, 26 (1978): 142.

201 Hirth and Rockhill, Chau Ju-kua, p. 71.

202 Miksic, John, ‘The classical cultures of Indonesia’, in Glover, Ian and Bellwood, Peter, Southeast Asia: From prehistory to history (Oxford: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004), pp. 234–56.

203 Ibid., p. 248.

204 Hirth and Rockhill, Chau Ju-kua, p. 114.

205 Under the early name Po-lu-shi and Po-luo-suo (sometimes confused in Chinese texts with Bo-si or Persia) and later under the names Bin-su, Bian-shu and Bin-cuo for Pansur/Pancur. Refer to Ptak, Roderich, ‘Possible Chinese references to the Barus area (Tang to Ming)’, in Histoire de Barus, Sumatra: Le site de Lobu Tua, I – Études et Documents, ed. Guillot, Claude (Paris : Cahier d'Archipel 30, 1998), pp. 119–38.

206 See G.R. Tibbetts, A study of the Arabic texts containing material on South-East Asia, pp. 92–3, 95–6, 114–15 and 140–3. Drakard, Jane has also studied these sources in her article, ‘An Indian Ocean port: Sources for the earlier history of Barus’, Archipel, 37 (1989): 5382.

207 The links between Barus and the various ports of the Middle East are discussed in Histoire de Barus, II – Étude archéologique et Documents, ‘Chapter II – Conclusions historiques’, pp. 45–6 and 60–2.

208 Guillot, Claude and Wibisono, Sonny Ch., ‘Le verre à Lobu Tua: Étude préliminaire’, in Histoire de Barus, I, ed. Guillot, , pp. 189206; and Histoire de Barus, II, ch. V – Céramique du Proche-Orient’, pp. 171–96.

209 Marie-France Dupoizat, ch. IV ‘Céramique chinoise’, in Histoire de Barus, II, pp. 103–69.

210 Histoire de Barus, II. See ‘Chapter VII –Verre’, p. 268, plate 58. See also Kalus, Ludvik, ‘Le plus ancienne inscription islamique du monde malais?’, Archipel, 59 (2000): 23–4.

211 Michel Jacq-Hergoualc'h devotes two chapter of his major study of the peninsula to the rise of Tambralinga and its regional context in the 10th and 11th centuries and the commercial boom it enjoyed in the 12th and 13th centuries. See Jacq-Hergoualc'h, Michel, The Malay peninsula: Crossroads of the maritime Silk Road (Leiden: Brill, 2002), ch. 12 and 13.

212 Hall and Whitmore, ‘Southeast Asian trade and the isthmian struggle, 1000–1200 A.D.’, pp. 306–7.

213 Sumio, Fukami, ‘The long 13th century of Tambralinga: From Javaka to Siam’, The Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko, 62 (2004): 4579.

214 In fact, despatching a diplomatic mission to China in 1196.

215 Fukami, ‘The long 13th century of Tambralinga’, p. 51.

216 Which accords closely with a Thai-language text on Nakhon Si Thammarat. See Wyatt, David K., The Crystal Sands: The chronicles of Nagara Sri Dharrmaraja (Ithaca: Cornell University Southeast Asia Program, 1975), pp. 84–5. This lists the dependencies of Nakhon Si Thammarat as Chumphon, Phattalung, Pattani, Saya, Kelantan and Pahang on the east coast of the peninsula, as well as Kraburi, Takuapa, Trang and Kedah on the west coast.

217 Including Chaiya, Phattalung, Kelantan, Terengganu and Pahang. See Fukami, ‘The long 13th century of Tambralinga’, p. 52.

218 Ibid., pp. 57–9.

219 Michel Jacq-Hergoualc'h, The Malay peninsula: Crossroads of the maritime Silk Road. Refer to ch. 13: ‘The commercial boom in the Malay peninsula in the 12th and 13th centuries’, pp. 391–441.

220 Ibid., pp. 443–88.

221 Ibid., p. 491.

222 Wicks, ‘Monetary developments in Java between the ninth and sixteenth centuries’, p. 55.

223 Scott, William Henry, Filipinos in China before 1500 (Manila: China Studies program, De La Salle University, 1989), pp. 34, 27–8.

224 Ptak, Roderich, ‘China and the trade in cloves, circa 960–1435’, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 113 (1993): 113. See chart on p. 7.

225 Francisco, Juan R., ‘Sanskrit in Philippine languages: Reflections on pre-colonial trade and traffic’, in Mariners, merchants and oceans: Studies in maritime history, ed. Mathew, K.S. (Delhi: Manohar, 1995), pp. 4356.

226 Christie, ‘Javanese markets’, pp. 344–81.

227 Lieberman, Strange parallels, p. 2.

228 Ibid., pp. 92–4.

229 Ibid., p. 223. See ‘there is no indication that maritime commerce was central to patronage structures of the general economy, certainly not in the critical period 950-1150 … . Claude Jacques concludes succinctly, “Everybody agrees that the Angkorean economy was based only upon agriculture”. Given that Angkor – like Pagan – arose not at the coast, but in an interior rice zone, and that after Angkor fell Cambodia's commercially-oriented rulers turned toward the coast, can anyone be surprised by this scholarly consensus?’ And yet, the luxury exotica exported and the ceramics imported do suggest that maritime commerce was a not inconsiderable aspect of the economy.

230 Ibid., p. 365.

231 Abu-Lughod, Janet L., Before European hegemony: The world system A.D. 1250–1350 (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989).

232 Ibid., pp. 251–3.

233 Coedès, , ‘Some problems in the ancient history of the Hinduized states of South-East Asia’, Journal of Southeast Asian History, 5, 2 (1964): 14. My thanks to Kwa Chong Guan for providing this and other references.

234 Tansen Sen, Buddhism, diplomacy and trade, pp. 213–14.

Geoff Wade is a visiting Senior Research Fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore. Correspondence in connection with this paper should be addressed to: . The author wishes to thank Anthony Reid for his great support and two anonymous JSEAS referees who, through close critical reading of the original manuscript, suggested much which has been incorporated into the published version of this paper. The conclusions reached are not necessarily endorsed by any of these persons.

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An Early Age of Commerce in Southeast Asia, 900–1300 CE

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