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The God of the Lupercal*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  14 March 2012

T. P. Wiseman
T. P. Wiseman
Affiliation:
University of Exeter
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Extract

On 15 February, two days after the Ides, there took place at Rome the mysterious ritual called Lupercalia, which began when the Luperci sacrificed a goat at the Lupercal. There was evidently a close conceptual and etymological connection between the name of the festival, the title of the celebrants, and the name of the sacred place: as our best-informed literary source on Roman religion, M. Terentius Varro, succinctly put it, ‘the Luperci [are so called] because at the Lupercalia they sacrifice at the Lupercal … the Lupercalia are so called because [that is when] the Luperci sacrifice at the Lupercal’.

What is missing in that elegantly circular definition is the name of the divinity to whom the sacrifice was made. Even the sex of the goat is unclear — Ovid and Plutarch refer to a she-goat, other sources make it male — which might perhaps imply a similar ambiguity in the gender of the recipient. Varro does indeed refer to a goddess Luperca, whom he identifies with the she-wolf of the foundation legend; he explains the name as lupa pepercit, ‘the she-wolf spared them’ (referring to the infant twins), so I think we can take this as an elaboration on the myth, and not much help for the ritual.

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The Journal of Roman Studies , Volume 85 , November 1995 , pp. 1 - 22
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Copyright © T. P. Wiseman 1995. Exclusive Licence to Publish: The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies

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References

1 Varro, LL V.85; VI.13 (Appendix No. 1).

2 Ovid, Fasti II.361; Plut., Rom. 21.4 (αἱγες); Quint., Inst. 1.5.66 (‘luere per caprum’); Serv., ad Aen. VIII.343 (‘de capro luebatur’). The Luperci skinned the sacrificial goat and used its hide for wearing and for striking those whom they met: Dion. Hal., AR 1.80.1 (Tubero fr. 3P); Nic. Dam., FGrH 90F 130.71; Festus (Paulus) 75–6L; Ovid, Fasti II.44sf.; Plut., Rom. 21.4f.; Val. Max. II.2.9. They were called crepi, evidently a form of capri: Festus (Paulus) 49L, cf. 42L.

3 Arnob., Adv. gent. VII.19: ‘dis feminis feminas, mares maribus hostias immolare’. (Female offerings to Faunus at Ovid, Fasti IV.652 and Hor., Odes 1.4. 11f. are regarded by the commentators as ‘un-Roman’.)

4 Varro, Ant. div. fr. 221 Cardauns (Arnob., Adv. gent. IV.3).

5 Michels, A. K., The Calendar of the Roman Republic (1967), 207–20Google Scholar for a history of the controversy. Cf. North, J. A., in CAH2 VII.2 (1989), 574Google Scholar: ‘We do not know when this form of calendar was introduced, though it may well have been in the course of the republican period; its introduction might or might not have coincided with the fixing of the list of festivals in capitals.’

6 The list is in Degrassi, A., Inscr. It. XIII.2 (1963), 364–5Google Scholar; I have omitted the Ides of each month from the totals. Degrassi gives ‘Lupercalia Luperco sive Fauno’, but that begs the question.

7 Varro, LL V.84: ‘horum singuli cognomine habent abeo deo cui sacra faciunt’ (similarly VII.45, citing Ennius, Ann. 116–8Sk); J.H. Vanggard, The Flamen: a Study in the History and Sociology of Roman Religion (1988), esp. 24–8.

8 Ovid, Fasti II.282. (Conversely, minor flamines without corresponding ‘large-letter’ festivals are Falacer, Floralis, Palatualis, and Pomonalis.)

9 Ovid, Fasti II.267f.; 303f.; 423f.; V.99–102 (Appendix No. 2). Like Horace (Odes 1.17. 1–4), Ovid assumes the identity of Faunus and Pan (Fasti II.423f.; II.84; IV.650–3); see now Parker, H. C., TAPA 123 (1993), 199–217Google Scholar.

10 Faunus temple: Ovid, Fasti II.193f.; Inscr. It. XIII.2 (1963), 4, 223; Livy XXXIII.42.10; XXXIV.53.4. But see n. 51 below.

11 Ovid, Fasti II.381–422; Origo gentis R. 22.1; Serv., Ad Aen. VIII.343; cf. Plut., Rom. 21.4; Dion. Hal., AR 1.32.3f., 79.7f. Detailed analysis in Wiseman, T. P., Remus: a Roman Myth (1995)Google Scholar.

12 Beiträge zur klassischen Philologie 10 (1964)Google Scholar, esp. ch. 10, ‘Der Romulusmythos und das Lupercalienfest’, pp. 96–115.

13 Die Struktur des voretruskischen Römerstaates (1974), esp. chs 3–6, ‘Der Mythos von der Wölfin-Urahnin’ (pp. 69–85)Google Scholar, ‘Das Luperkalienfest’ (pp. 86–106), ‘Hirtenkriegertum und Männerbund’ (pp. 107–50), ‘Zweiteilung und Doppelmonarchie’ (pp. 151–80).

14 Ulf, C., Das römische Lupercalienfest, Impulse der Forschung 38 (1982)Google Scholar; J. N. Bremmer, ‘Romulus, Remus and the Foundation of Rome’, in Bremmer, J.N. and Horsfall, N. M., Roman Myth and Mythography, BICS Supplement 52 (1987), 25–48Google Scholar. For earlier literature see Ulf's bibliography, and add Walter, Pötscher's ‘structural analysis’ in Grazer Beiträge II (1984), 221–49Google Scholar.

15 Dumézil, G., Le problème des centaures: étude de mythologie comparée indo-européenne (1929), 197–222Google Scholar; cf. Archaic Roman Religion (1970), 349 n. 33. The Lupercalia offered no support for Dumézil's ‘tripartite’ theory, on which see Momigliano, A., History and Theory 23 (1984), 312–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar = Ottavo contributo alla storia degli studi classici e del mondo antico (1987), 135–59, and Belier, W. W., Decayed Gods: Origin and Development of Georges Dumézil's ‘Idéologie Tripartite’, Studies in Greek and Roman Religion 7 (1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

16 Bremmer, however (op. cit. (n. 14), 38–43), does argue for a historically specific context.

17 e.g. Welwei, K.-W., Historia 16 (1967), 44–69Google Scholar, responding to Binder; Versnel, H. S., Bibliotheca Orientalis 33 (1976), 391–401Google Scholar, reviewing Alföldi. As an analogy, cf. Momigliano on Dumézil: op. cit. (n. 15), and in CAH2 VII.2 (1989), 55Google Scholar: ‘What Dumézil cannot do, because it is contradictory in terms, is to postulate an invariable Indo-European pattern as the explanation of the continuously changing relations between the social groups of Rome.’

18 The passage is referred to, but not quoted, at FGrH 241F26:IIB (1962), 1018; no comment in the Kommentar volume (p. 713).

19 Schol. Plat., Phaedr. 244b, Ruhnk p. 61 (Appendix No. 3).

20 Clem. Alex., Strom. 1.108.3 (Appendix No. 4); cf. Heracl. Pont. fr. 130, Wehrli.

21 Eratosthenes was clearly expanding Heraclides' list: see Parke, H. W., Sibyls and Sibylline Prophecy in Classical Antiquity (1988), 23–36Google Scholar, who, however, does not refer to these two passages.

22 Lact., Div. inst. 1.6.10 = Varro, Ant. div. fr. 56a Cardauns. Parke, op. cit. (n. 21), 33, wrongly assumes she was invented by Naevius.

23 Hom., Od. XI.14–19 (trans. W. Shewring); Strabo V.4.5 (244); cf. Sophocles, TrGF IV F748 for the nekyomanteion at ‘Aornos’.

24 Pliny, NH III.61; Festus (Paulus) 37L; Origo gentis R. 10.1, ‘Sibylla in oppido quod vocatur †Cimbarionis’ — i.e. Cimmerium, as in Pliny?

25 Aeschylus, TrGF III F273, 273a (Aristoph., Frogs 1266; Max. Tyr. VIII.2b); cf. n. 23 above (Sophocles). Hermes as father of Evander: Dion. Hal., AR 1.31.1, 40.2 (by Themis = Carmenta); Virg., Aen. VIII.138, 336 (by Carmentis); Paus. VIII.43.2 (by the daughter of Ladon); contra Ovid, Fasti 1.472 (not a god); Serv., ad Aen. VIII. 130 (Echemos).

26 Varro, LL V.54; Plut., Rom. 3.5 (Fabius Pictor, FGrH 809F4.3).

27 Livy 1.7.8; cf. Strabo V.3.3 (230); Dion. Hal., AR 1.31.1, 40.2; Virg., Aen. VIII.336, etc.; see also n. 35 below. Cumaean Sibyl: Lact., Div. inst. 1.6.10f. = Varro, Ant. div. fr. 56a Cardauns; Parke, op. cit. (n. 21), 76–9.

28 Varro, LL V.53; Dion. Hal., AR 1.31.4; Livy 1.5.1, etc.

29 PMGF Stesichorus 85 (Paus. VIII.3.2); Enea nel Lazio: archeologia e mito (1981), 121f.Google Scholar; La grande Roma dei Tarquini (1990), 119f. and tav. IX.Google Scholar

30 Hdt. VI. 105; Borgeaud, P., The Cult of Pan in Ancient Greece (1988), 133–62Google Scholar; Garland, R., Introducing New Gods: the Politics of Athenian Religion (1992), 47–63.Google Scholar

31 For the topography, see Travlos, J., Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Athens (1971), 70f.Google Scholar, 148–57, 417–21; the juxtaposition of Pan's cave and the Nike temple is illustrated in Garland, op. cit. (n. 30), pl. 11.

32 Livy X.33.9: begun by L. Postumius Megellus as aed. cur., dedicated by him as cos. II.

33 Pensabene, P., Archeologia laziale 3 (1980), 65–81Google Scholar; 4 (1981), 101–18; 6 (1984), 149–5859 (1988), 54–67; also in Roma: archeologia nel centro (1986), 179–212, and La grande Roma dei Tarquini (1990), 87–90. Wiseman, T. P., Antiq. Journ. 61 (1981), 35–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar = Roman Studies (1987), 187–204.

34 Dion. Hal., AR I 32.3–33.1, with Wiseman, op. cit. (n. 33). 35f. = 187f.

35 Strabo V.3.3 (230); Serv., ad Aen. VIII.336. Otherwise Themis (Dion. Hal., AR 1.31.1, 40.2) or Tiburs (Serv. auct. loc. cit.), the latter implying an identification with the Tiburtine Sibyl. Cf. n. 27 above, and for the Tiburtine Sibyl (Albunea) see Lact., Div. inst. 1.6.12 = Varro, Ant. div. fr. 56a Cardauns, with F. Coarelli, I santuari del Lazio in età repubblicana (1987), 103–10.

36 Serv. auct., ad Aen. 1.273: ‘repentino occursu lupi turbata refugit in speluncam, in qua a Marte compressa est.’ Eur., Ion 491–506, 936–41; for Ion as a founder, Eur., Ion 74, cf. 1571–94; I am grateful to Christina Kraus for pointing this out to me. Cf. Borgeaud, op. cit. (n. 30), 151f., for the cave as a ‘wild spot in the heart of town’.

37 Eur., Helen 188–90; Ovid, Fasti II.315, 332 (Faunus and Omphale in a very well-appointed cave), cf. n. 9 above. A hint of rape from Silenus in his cave: Virg., Ecl. 6.13 and 26 (cf. 6.27 for dancing Fauni).

38 Herakles: n. 29 above. Castor and Pollux: Livy II.42.5. Apollo: Livy IV.29.7. Asklepios: Livy X.47.7; Epit. XI.

39 Gerhard, E.et al., Etruskische Spiegel V (1897), 54Google Scholar, Taf. 45; ILLRP 1201 for the inscription.

40 Torelli, M., Typography and Structure of Roman Historical Reliefs (1982), 99–106Google Scholar; Coarelli, F., Il foro romano: periodo repubblicano e augusteo (1985), 91–119Google Scholar. For satyrs at Rome, see Wiseman, T. P., JRS 78 (1988), 1–13Google Scholar = Historiography and Imagination (1994), 68–85, esp. 4f. = 73f. on Marsyas.

41 Adam, R. and Briquel, D., MEFR(A) 94 (1982), 33–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar; cf. LIMC IV.1 (1988), 131Google Scholar. For an interpretation of the scene as a whole, see Wiseman, T. P., PBSR 61 (1993), 1–6Google Scholar.

42 As in Philostratus, Life of Apollonius VI.27: a libidinous satyr on Lemnos.

43 Arcadia: Head, B. V., Historia Numorum (2nd edn, 1911), 445, fig. 241Google Scholar; Hübinger, U. in Hägg, R. (ed.), The Iconography of Greek Cult in the Archaic and Classical Periods, Kernos Suppl. I (1992), 208, 210Google Scholar. Panticapaeum: C. M. Kraay and M. Hirmer, Greek Coins (1966), 335, nos 440–2. See in general Brommer, F., Marburger Jahrbuch für Kunstwissenschaft 15 (1949–1950), 5–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

44 Justin XLIII.1.7 (Appendix No. 5).

45 Dion. Hal., AR 1.80.1 (Tubero fr. 3P); Nic. Dam., FGrH 90F 130.71; cf. Ovid, Fasti II.445f. (thongs); V. 101 (cinctuti); Plut., Rom. 21.4–5; QR 68. Justin's ‘nunc’ is inexplicable.

46 Livy I.5.1–2; Virg., Aen. VIII. 343f. and Serv. ad loc.; Dion. Hal., AR 1.32.3, 80.1; Ovid, Fasti II.423f.; Plut., Rom. 21.3; Caes. 61.1; Ant. 12.1; QR 68 (Appendix Nos 6–12); see also Augustine, CD XVIII. 16 = Varro, De gente pop. R. fr. 29 Fraccaro. For the mysterious cults of Mt Lykaion, see W. Burkert, Homo Necans (1983), 84–93; Borgeaud, op. cit. (n. 30), 34–42; Hubinger, op. cit. (n. 43), 189–212.

47 Livy fr. 63 Weissenborn = ‘Gelasius’, Adv. Andr. 11–12 (CSEL 35.1, 456f.: Appendix No. 13). For februare as the purification ritual of the Luperci, see Varro, LL VI.13, 34; Festus (Paulus) 75–6L; Ovid, Fasti II.19–36; Plut., QR 68; Rom. 21.3; Numa 19.5; Censorinus 22.15.

48 Livy I.5.1–2 (Appendix No. 6); cf. also Macr., Sat. 1.22.2 (‘Pan ipse quern vocant Inuum’).

49 Festus (Paulus) 98L: ‘init ponitur interdum pro concubitu’. E.g. Suet., Aug. 69.2; Sen., Ep. 95.21. Usually of animals (Livy XLI.13.2; Varro, RR II.7.9 etc.); see Arnob., Adv. gent. III.23 for Inuus as guardian of flocks.

50 Ovid, Fasti II.423f. (Appendix No. 2). Faunus a fando (or from Φωνή): Varro, LL VII.36; Origo gentis R. 4.4; Serv. auct., ad Georg. 1.10–11; Serv., ad Aen. VII.47, 81; Cic., ND 11.6 with Pease's commentary ad loc. Sexuality: Hor., Odes III.18.1, etc. Nonnos (no doubt from a Hellenistic source) makes Faunus the son of Circe, with clear reference to the Hesiodic ‘wild man’ Agrios, brother of Latinos: Hes., Theog. 1011–6; Nonn., Dion. XIII.328–32; XXXVII.56–60.

51 Plut., Rom. 21.7 = Acilius, FGrH 813 (Appendix No. 14).

52 Serv., ad Aen. VI.775; Probus, ad Georg. 1.10; Ps.Acro, ad Carm. 1.17.1; Rut. Nam. 31–6 (Appendix Nos 15–18). Cf. Plut., Numa 15.3: Fauni like Panes.

53 Origo gentis R. 4.6 (Appendix No. 19). Silvanus as Faunus: Dion. Hal., AR V.16.3; Livy II.7.2; Val. Max. 1.8.5 (the voice in the Silvia Arsia). Silvanus as dangerous rapist: Augustine, CD VI.9 (Varro, Ant. div. fr. III Cardauns); XV.23. Dorcey, P. F., The Cult of Silvanus, Columbia Studies 20 (1992), 33–40Google Scholar, vainly tries to argue away the similarities.

54 Discurrere: Festus (Paulus) 49L; Origo gentis R. 22.1, cf. Ovid, Fasti II.285 (of the god). Diatheontes etc. Plut., QR 68; Rom. 21.5; Caes. 61.2; Ant. 12.1. ‘Lupercorum per sacram viam ascensum atque descensum’: Varro, De gente pop. R. fr. 21 Fraccaro (Augustine, CD XVIII.12).

55 Varro, LL VI.34: ‘tum februatur populus [n. 47 above], id est Lupercis nudis lustratur antiquum oppidum Palatium gregibus humanis cinctum’. Lustrare also at Ovid, Fasti II.32; V.102; Festus (Paulus) 75L; Censorinus 22.15; cf. Dion. Hal., AR 1.80.1 (perielthein); Plut., Rom. 21.4 (peridrome); 21.8 (peritheein).

56 Cic., Phil. II.85; Plut., Caes. 6l.3; Ant. 12.1; Appian, BC II.109; Dio XLIV.II.2.

57 Varro, LL V.43f., 156. Cicero (Cael. 26) was probably right to date the origin of the Luperci ‘before civilisation and the rule of law’.

58 In comitio: Tac., Ann, XIII.58.1; Festus 168L; Conon, FGrH 20F1.48.8; Dion. Hal., AR III.71.5; Torelli, op. cit. (11.40), 98f. In Cermalo (i.e. Lupercal): Varro, LL V.54; Livy I.4.5; Ovid, Fasti II.411f.; Plut., Rom. 4.1; Origo gentis R. 20.3. Both (miracle of Attus Navius): Pliny, NH XV.77.

59 Isid., Orig. XVII.7.17 (‘ficus a fecunditate’); the wild fig-tree is caprificus. See n. 2 above for the Luperci as goats.

60 Jerome, ad Isaiam 13.21 (PL XXIV.159); Isid., Orig. VIII.11.104 (Appendix Nos 24, 27). Cf. Pelagonius, Vet. 31 (p. 41 Ihm) for ‘Fatuus ficarius’; Fatuus was another name for Faunus (e.g. Serv., ad Aen. VI.775, Appendix No. 15).

61 Pliny, NH XV.77 (‘Fuit et ante Saturni aedem …’); he gave the date of its removal, but the numerals have been lost from the text.

62 Prop, IV. 5.3–6, cf. 13f. for a spring at the site of the Curia; the ‘springs of Janus’ (Ovid, Fasti I.257–76; Met. XIV.778–804; Varro, LL V.156) must have been thereabouts. For the ‘wood below the Capitol’ in what was later the Forum, see Dion. Hal., AR II.50.2; for the possibility that the Comitium was once a lucus, see Vaahtera, J. in Senatus Populusque Romanus: Studies in Roman Republican Legislation, Acta Inst. Rom. Finlandiae 13 (1993), 103–7Google Scholar.

63 Dion. Hal., AR 1.32.4, 79.8. ‘Satyr country’: Wiseman, op. cit. (n. 40), 12f. = 84.

64 Serv., ad Aen. II.116; cf. Hdt. 1.67f. (bones of Orestes in Tegea); Paus. VIII.5.5; Strabo XIII.1.3 (582), etc.

65 Serv., ad Aen. VI.775 (Appendix No. 15); Ps.Acro, ad Carm. 1.17.1 (Appendix No. 17); Artemidorus, Oneirocr. II.37; Caelius Aurelianus, Morb. chron. 1.3.54; Augustine, CD XV.23; Jerome, Vita Pauli 8 = PL XXIII.23 (Appendix Nos 20–3); cf. also Ps.Augustine, De spiritu et anima 25 (PL XL.789). For the etymology of Ephialtes, cf. Scholia Graeca in Homeri Iliadem (ed. Dindorf) III.248; Eustath., ad Iliad. 560. 10f.

66 Jerome, ad Isaiam 13.21 = PL XXIV.159; Myth. Vatic. II.24 Bode; Greg. Magn., Moralia VII.36 = PL LXXV.786; Isid., Orig. VIII.11.103f. (Appendix Nos 24–7).

67 Vulg., Isaias 13.21, 34.13. Jerome, ad Isaiam 34.13 (PL XXIV.372): ‘… onocentauri et pilosi et Lamia, quae gentilium fabulae et poetarum figmenta describunt.’

68 Strabo 1.2.8 (19); cf. PCG VII.395–7 (Phrynichus' Ephialtes); Aristoph., Wasps 1037f. and scholia ad loc.

69 Petr., Sat. 38.8; cf. Porph., ad Sat. II.6.12. ‘Incubare’ was the mot juste for guarding treasure (references in Otto, A., Die Sprichwörter und sprichwörtlichen Redensarten der Römer (1890), 173Google Scholar), but it was more often dragons that did it: e.g. Festus (Paulus) 59L; Phaedrus IV.21; Martial XII.53.3. For the cap, cf. Hübinger, op. cit. (n.43), 198, 204: worn by dedicants (hunters and shepherds) at Pan's sanctuary on Mt Lykaion.

70 LIMC III.1 (1986), 802. Epopheles: Cael. Aur., Morb. chron. 1.3.54 (Appendix No. 21); Hesychius s.vv. Opheles and Epopheles; cf. also ὠΦελείας at Artemidorus II.37 (Appendix No. 20).

71 Cael. Aur., Morb. chron. 1.3.54–7; Macr., ad Somn. Scip. 1.3.7; Eustath., ad Iliad. 561.8; ad Odyss. 1687.52; Aristoph., Wasps 1037f., etc.

72 Pliny, NH XXV.29; XXX.84; Dioscorides, Mat. med. III. 140; cf. Aetius Amidenus, Med. 1.84 (CMG VIII.1.50) on the peony as ephialtia.

73 Cael. Aur., Morb. chron. I.3.56; Paul. Aeg. III.15 (CMG IX.1.158f.). Incub(it)are in sexual sense: Plaut., Persa 284; Pomp. Mela III.83.

74 Etr. Spiegel V (n. 39 above), 51–3, Taf. 42–3.

75 Compare the ‘curious papposilen, obviously wearing a costume’ on a volute-crater of the Arpi painter, also of late fourth- or early third-century date: Trendall, A. D. and Cambitoglou, A., The Red-Figured Vases of Apulia II (1982), 924Google Scholar, pl. 362; better illustration in Trendall, A. D., Red-Figure Vases of South Italy and Sicily (1989), fig. 266Google Scholar. See also the actor playing Silenos on the ‘Pronomos vase’ (Attic red-figure, c. 400 B.C.): Seaford, R. A. S., Euripides Cyclops (1984)Google Scholar, 3f., pl. III. Such hairycostumed performers evidently pre-date the genre of satyr-play, and appear on black-figure vases from the first half of the sixth century onward: see Hedreen, G. M., Silens in Attic Black-Figure Vase-Painting (1992), 113f., 125f., 128, 163f., pls 4, 31, 37, 44CrossRefGoogle Scholar; also JHS 114 (1994)Google Scholar, pl. IV(a), where the hairy skin of the ithyphallic silen/satyr stops at the elbows, and is, therefore, presumably a costume.

76 Livy 1.5.2 (Appendix No.6); Virg., Aen. VI.775; Martial IV.60.1; Sil. It. VIII.359: Rut. Nam. 227–36 confuses it with Castrum Novum in Etruria. Cf. , G. and Tomassetti, F., La campagna romana II (1910), 460fGoogle Scholar. on a ‘villa Priapi in agro Ardeatino’, tenth century A.D.

77 Strabo V.3.5 (232); Pliny, NH III.57; Pomp. Mela II.71; Cic., ND III.47. For the archaic context, see Torelli, M. in A. Mastrocinque (ed.), Ercole in Occidente (1993), 91–117Google Scholar. Note that Horace (Odes III.18.6) calls Faunus ‘Veneris sodalis’; and the Rutuli of Castrum Inui are ‘Faunigenae’ in Sil. It. VIII.356. Cf. also Vitr., Arch. VIII.3.2 for springs smelling of sulphur in Ardeatino — like Faunus' oracle at Albunea (Virg., Aen. VII.84).

78 Coarelli, op. cit. (n. 35), 74–9. Cf. Torelli, op. cit. (n. 77), 98: ‘il rapporto tra Preneste ed Anzio è strettissimo’.

79 Ovid, Fasti VI.476–9, 569–80; F. Coarelli, Il foro boario (1988), 305–28.

80 cf. Seaford, R., Reciprocity and Ritual (1994), 266–9Google Scholar for men dressed as satyrs as part of wedding ritual; ibid., 308 for weddings and Dionysiac mysteries, 270 n. 154 for the mysteries as a spectacle.

81 Ludii: Varro, Ant. div. fr. 80 Cardauns (Tertull., Spect. 5.3); see Schmidt, P. L. in G. Vogt-Spira (ed.), Studien zur vorliterarischen Periode im frühen Rom (1989), 77–133Google Scholar, esp. 88f. Theatre: Vell. Pat. 1.15.3; for the circumstances, see North, J. A. in Apodosis: Essays Presented to Dr W. W. Cruikshank (1992), 75–83Google Scholar.

82 Lact., Div. inst. 1.21.45: ‘nudi, uncti, coronati, aut personati aut luto obliti currunt.’ But see n. 131 below.

83 Serv. auct., ad Aen. VII.343 (Appendix No. 7).

84 Hom., Il. II.651; XXII.132.

85 Virg., Aen. VIII.630 and Serv. auct. ad loc. (Fabius, Ann. Lat. fr. 4P); Serv. auct., ad Aen. 1.273 (n. 36 above).

86 Plut., Rom. 21.6, from Butas' elegiac Aetia.

87 See above, nn. 30–5.

88 Dion. Hal., AR I.31.2; Appian, Reg. fr. 1 (identifying Faunus and Latinus); Diomed., Gramm. Lat. I.475 Keil (Appendix No. 28).

89 Livy X.33.9; Livy X. 19.17–21, cf. Ovid, Fasti VI.201–4.

90 Appendix No. 28. So too Faunus: Hor., Odes I. 17.1f. (velox); Ovid, Fasti II.285f.

91 Dion. Hal., AA II.13.2; Festus (Paulus) 48L; Pliny, NH XXXIII. 35; Serv., ad Aen. XI.603 (a celeritate). The tribunus Celerum had the same relationship to the king as the magister equitum to the dictator (and the Praetorian Prefect to the emperor): Pomp., Dig. 1.2.2.15–19; Lydus, De mag. 1.14 (cf. 37).

92 Ineditum Vaticanum, FGrH 839F 1.3 (ll. 19–22).

93 Val. Max. II.2.9 (Appendix No. 29); De vir. ill. 32.3.

94 Jerome, Chron. ad Ol. 6.3 (Fotheringham p. 152): ‘Remus rutro pastorali a Fabio Romuli duce occisus.’ The implement is significant, given the ancient etymology of ‘Fabius’ from words meaning ‘to dig’: Festus (Paulus) 77L; Plut., Fab. Max. 1.2.

95 The Fabian legends, favourable and hostile, are discussed by Montanari, E., Roma: momenti di una presa di coscienza sociale (1976), 83–187Google Scholar, esp. 114f., 130f. on Fabii as celeres. Cf. Ovid. Fasti II.205 (the Fabii reach the Cremera ‘celeri passu’) and 223 (‘latis discursibus’, cf. n. 54 above for discurrere).

96 Plut., Rom. 2.6.2; Numa 7.4.

97 Pol. VI.25.3f.; Rawson, E., PBSR 39 (1971), 20fGoogle Scholar. = Roman Culture and Society (1991), 43–5, suggesting the heavy cavalry were introduced between 212 and 206 B.C.

98 See n. 45 above. Cinctus, campestre: Varro, LL V.114; Ps.Acro, ad Epist. 1.11.18; Augustine, CD XIV.17; Isid., Etym. XIX.22.5; 33.1.

99 See nn. 41–4 above.

100 See nn. 32–5, 83–8 above.

101 Val. Max. II.2.9 (Appendix No. 29).

102 Festus (Paulus) 78L; Festus 308L; Ovid, Fasti II.375–8; CIL VI.1933, 33421; XI.3205.

103 Val. Max. II.2.1, 4. Fabian items take up nearly a page in the index to Kempf's Teubner edition.

104 Ovid, Fasti II.359–80, esp. 374 ‘haec certe non nisi victor edet’.

105 Plut., QR 60; Serv., ad Aen. VIII.269; Serv. auct., ad Aen. VIII.270; Origo gentis R. 8.3; Lydus, De mag. 1.23: Pinarii ἀπὸ τοῦ πεινᾶν, another bilingual etymology.

106 Mommsen, T., Römische Forschungen I (1864), 17Google Scholar; also plebeian K. Duillii (Xvir 450, cos. 336) and K. Acilii (grandfather of cos. 150). Val. Max. II.2.9 (obvios); Nic. Dam., FGrH 90F 130.71; Plut., Rom. 21.5; Caes. 61.2.

107 Livy III.11.5–13.10; Dion. Hal., AR X.5–8.

108 Livy II.48.5–50.11; Dion. Hal., AR IX.14.1; 15.3; 16.3; 22.5. Of the ‘three sons of M. Fabius Ambustus’ sent to Clusium in 391 (Livy V.35.5), the senior was evidently Kaeso, who had already held the consular tribunate three times (Livy IV.61.4; V.10.1; 24.1).

109 Dio VII fr. 25.5; Gaius in Livy V.46.2; 52.3; Val. Max. 1.1.11.

110 Front., Strat. 1.2.2; cf. Livy IX.36.2, ‘M. Fabium, Caesonem alii … tradunt’.

111 Val. Max. 1.8.2 (triennio before 293); Zonaras VIII.1 (prophesied in 297).

112 Ovid, Met. XV.622–744; Val. Max. 1.8.2; Livy X.47.6f.; Plut., QR 94; Lact., Inst. div. II.7.13; De vir. ill. 22.

113 Lues: Ovid, Met. XV.626; Lact., Inst. div. II.7.13. Purification: see above, nn. 47 and 55.

114 Soranus, Causae, quoted in Cael. Aur., Morb. chron. 1.3.55f.

115 Cael. Aur., Morb. chron. 1.3.57; Ovid, Met. XV.627. For Callimachus (Pol. XII.25d.4; Pliny, NH XXI. 12, etc.), see H. von Staden, Herophilus: the Art of Medicine in Early Alexandria (1989), 480–3. The alternative emendation is ‘Lysimachus’, date uncertain but pre-Neronian (von Staden, op. cit., 564).

116 Antium: Ovid, Met. XV.719–28; Val. Max. 1.2.8; De vir. ill. 22.3. Faunus: n. 10 above. Ephialtes: Oribasius, Synops. VIII.2 (Appendix No. 30). The Celeres were evidently portrayed in Asklepios' temple, but now renamed ferentarii (Varro, LL VII.57, unarmoured cavalry).

117 Orosius IV.2.2; Livy fr. 63 Weissenborn (Appendix No. 13); Augustine, CD III.17. See Holleman, A. W. J., Pope Gelasius I and the Lupercalia (1974), 20f.Google Scholar; innovation already emphasized by Otto, W. F., Philologus 26 (1913), 183–5Google Scholar.

118 Ovid, Fasti II.425–52; 441 for ‘sacer hircus inito’. Crepi: n. 2 above.

119 Festus (Paulus) 75–6L; Plut., Caes. 61.2 (‘shaggy thongs’, as at Ant. 12.1); Juv. 2.142; Ovid, Fasti II.445f. There may have been an Arcadian precedent: see Paus. VIII.23.1 for the flagellation of women at the Dionysus festival at Alea, on the instructions of Delphi.

120 Suet., Aug. 31.4. ‘Matronae nudato corpore publice vapulabant’: ‘Gelasius’, Adv. Andr. 16 (CSEL 35.1.458).

121 Ovid, Fasti II.431–4.

122 Dio XLIV.6.2; XLV.30.2; Suet., Jul. 76.1.

123 Cic., Phil. II.84–7; III.12; XIII.17; Dio XLV.30.1–5.

124 Cic., Phil. XIII.31 and fr. 19 (Non. 418L). Tubero fr. 3P (Dion. Hal., AR 1.80.2).

125 Suet., Aug. 31.4; Aug., Res gestae 19.1.

126 Cic., Att. XII.5.1. Late-republican Luperci included Geganius Clesippus (ILLRP 696; Pliny, NH XXXIV. 11), A. Castricius Myriotalentus (CIL XIV.2105), (P.) Cornelius P.I. Surus (AE 1968.33; Panciera, S., Bull. com. 91 (1986), 35–44Google Scholar); also M. Caelius Rufus and L. Herennius Balbus (Cic., Cael. 26), though the latter claimed to be a strict moralist (Cael. 25–30).

127 CIL VI.31200.b.2.5–9: equestrian honours to Drusus at the Lupercal and on the day of the transvectio (15 July). Luperci as essentially equestrian: CIL VI.2160; VIII.9405–6; 21063; AE 1924.41 (second to third century A.D.).

128 Illustrated and discussed by Veyne, P., REA 62 (1960), 100–10CrossRefGoogle Scholar, cf. Wiseman, op. cit. (n. 11), fig. 10. For the whip (appropriate to a horseman), cf. Daremberg-Saglio, , Dict. ant. II.2 (1896), 1153–4Google Scholar.

129 Stern, H. in Atti del convegno ‘Tardo antico e alto medioevo’, Acc. Lincei quaderno 105 (1968), 177–200Google Scholar, esp. 181f. and pl. III, fig. 2; also in Holleman, op. cit. (n. 117), 138, and Foucher, L., Annales de Bretagne et des pays de l'Ouest 83 (1976), 278CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

130 Schumacher, W. W., Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum 11–12 (1968–1969), 65–75Google Scholar; H. Solin and H. Brandenburg, Arch. Anz. (1980), 271–84.

131 See nn. 61–2 above; for the iconography of Silvanus, see Dorcey, op. cit. (n. 53), 17–19, with illustrations 2, 3, and 6.

132 e.g. CIL VI.1397; 1474; 31716; XI.2106 (a Fabius from Clusium!). If Lactantius was right that they sometimes wore masks (n. 82 above), that may have been to protect their dignity.

133 Lanciani, R., Bull. com. 18 (1891), 305–11Google Scholar, and Forma Urbis Romae (1893–1901), Sheet 23: on the line of Via Cavour below S. Maria Maggiore; C. Dulière, Lupa Romana (1979), 255–9 and fig. 128.

134 Vatican MSS Lat. 2733 II f. 285: ‘in utroque ipsarum [i.e. parastatarum] latere dicto opere [i.e. musivo] duo nudi luperci efficti erant, gestantes ferulas intortas’.

135 Johns, C. in Henig, M.and King, A. (eds), Pagan Gods and Shrines of the Roman Empire (1986), 93–103Google Scholar; Macr., Sat. 1.22.2–7.

136 ‘Gelasius’, Adv. Andr. 3, 13, 23 (CSEL 35.1.454, 457, 460f.); Duval, Y.-M., REL 55 (1977), 243–60Google Scholar, esp. 246–50 for the date (suggesting c. 488).

137 Markus, R., The End of Ancient Christianity (1990), 131–5Google Scholar, esp. 133: ‘The attack on the Lupercalia is not so much an attack on “remnants of paganism” as on traditions of Roman urban living’.

138 Adv. Ant. 16, 19f. (CSEL 35.1.458, 459): ‘viles trivialesque personas, abiectos et infimos’. The cantilenae turpes were evidently a charade, confessions of sexual misconduct to justify the whipping.

139 Adv. Andr. 17 (CSEL 35.1.458): ‘ipsi celebrate more maiorum, ipsi cum resticulo nudi discurrite’. Resticulo (cf. n. 128 above) is Guenther’s emendation for the MSS ridiculo; for discurrere, see n. 54 above.

140 Const. Porph., De caerimoniis 1.79 (70), 82 (73); Duval, op. cit. (n. 136), 223–43. Does ἡνιοχοῦντες ἀλλήλους describe a ‘fossilised’ derivative of the thong-wielding Luperci of classical Rome (n. 2 above)?

141 1.82 (73); Pliny, NH II.122; Columella XI.2.15; Ovid, Fasti II.148; Duval, Y.-M., Annales de Bretagne et des pays de l'Ouest 83 (1976), 264–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Favonius: Lucr. 1.11; Hor., Odes 1.4, etc.; for the connection with Faunus and the Lupercalia even in Horace's time, see Barr, W., CR 12 (1962), 5–11Google Scholar.

142 Duval, op. cit. (n. 136), 226f.

143 Poitiers 1481 (Appendix No. 31), ‘de carnisprivii mala consuetudine’.

144 Tilemann, Paul Heinrich, Commentatio historico-moralis et juridica de eo quod justum est circa nuditatem (1692)Google Scholar, cited in Mannhardt, W., Wald- und Feldkulte I (2nd edn, 1904), 255fGoogle Scholar.: ‘Tempore quadragesimali im Fachtnacht mulieres sibi obviam factas inhonesto ioco interdum denudatis posterioribus virgis vel etiam herba aliqua pungente feriunt’ (no mention of masks). Mannhardt offers many examples of striking on the hands (cf. n. 119 above), op. cit., 252£6.

145 Pick, B., Jahrbuch der Goethe-Gesellschaft 4 (1917), 153–64Google Scholar = Aufsätze zur Numismatik und Archäologie (1931), 105–12, citing the coins showing Ephialtes Epopheles at Nicaea and elsewhere (n. 70 above).

146 So too in Marlowe: Bevington, D. and Rusmussen, E. (eds), Doctor Faustus A - and B-Texts (1604, 1616) (1993), 127, 211Google Scholar; the apparatus criticus reports ‘Mephostophiles’ for both texts.

147 R. Bernheimer, Wild Men in the Middle Ages: a Study in Art, Sentiment and Demonology (1952), 93–101; cf. P. Merivale, Pan the Goat-God (1969).