^{page 1 note 1} Cuq (art. Vindicta in Daremberg-Saglio) is surely wrong in taking the tibi as meaning that each of the two claimants laid the rod on the other (as well as on the object of the claim). The construction is ethic dative.

^{page 1 note 2} De Formulis (1592), p. 384.

^{page 1 note 3} Cp. Saumaise, De modo usurarum, p. 881.

^{page 2 note 1} Cp. Pliny, N.H. x, 116 (Gallinae) edito ovo … estuca aliqua ṡese et ova lustrant.

^{page 2 note 2} History of Normandy and of England (1857), ii, P. 29.

^{page 2 note 3} p. 127 (2nd edn. 1854). I am not aware whether Grimm's views have been modified in later editions, to which I have not access at present.

^{page 2 note 4} iii, p. 188 (2nd edn.). Brunner in Holtzendorff's Encykl. der Rechtwissenschaft⁶, i, p. 245, says less decisively: ‘die Uebergabe einer Festuca (eines Stabes oder Halmes).’

^{page 2 note 5} History of English Law² ii, p. 186.

^{page 3 note 1} They point out in a footnote that in England in the surrender of copyholds a straw sometimes takes the place of the rod.

^{page 3 note 2} The speculations are found as early as Isidore, Etym. v, 24, 30.

^{page 3 note 3} Legal Procedure of Cicero's Time, p. 42.

^{page 3 note 4} Fistuca, rammer, may be the same word—as the Thesaurus admits, printing it festuca. The art. Fistuca in Daremb.-Saglio (without raising this question) depicts as a fistuca a rod-like implement used in building: this identification is conjectural, and Cichorius (Reliefs der Trajanssăule, Tafel xiv) takes a somewhat different line. Walde absolutely distinguishes festuca and fistuca in spelling and derivation.

^{page 3 note 5} Pour mιeux connaître Homère, p. 163 f.

^{page 4 note 1} Rom. Hist. Eng. trans. (1894), 1, p. 202.

^{page 5 note 1} Cp. Preller, Röm. Myth. (1858), p. 219 … ‘in dem Sinne dass die mit dem Grase ausgehobene Scholle stellvertretend den ganzen Grund und Boden, aus welchem sie ausgehoben worden, bedeuten soll.’

^{page 5 note 2} Pischel (‘In's Gras heissen’ in Sitzungsh. der Königl. Preuss. Akad. 1908, p. 445 ff.), being obsessed with the idea that grass is the symbol of weakness, can see no other aspect of the matter. He appears to me to have spread his net much too widely. I greatly doubt if there is even the slightest connexion between ‘Herbam do’ and Indian custom, as described, e.g. by Elliot (Supplement to the Glossary of Indian Terms), from whom Pischel (p. 448) quotes: ‘… the taking of a straw or piece of grass in the mouth, to deprecate anger, or to express complete submission. The action is generally accompanied by standing on one leg, which puts the supplicant in a ludicrous position. The custom shows the reverence of the Hindus for the cow, the action implying “I am your cow, and therefore entitled to your protection”.’

^{page 7 note 1} Cp. the gloss quoted by Brisson, De Formulis, p. 724 (see also C. Labbé, Veteres Glossae Verborum Juris quae passim in Basilicis reperiuntur): Βινδίκτα ἡ ῥάβδος, μεθ΄ ἧς ὁ Ἄρχων ἢ ὁ Πραίτωρ τὴν τοῦ ὲλευθερουμένου κεφαλὴν ἔπαιον, ϕάσκοντες, Φαμὲν τὸν παρόντα ἅνθρωπον εἷναι ἐλεύθερον, καὶ πολίτην Ῥωμαῖον. But the statement that the praetor himself had anything to do with the rod is not confirmed elsewhere. Cuq's account (art. Vindicta in Daremb.-Saglio) that the rod was part of the lictor's equipment, seems adequate. It is distressing to find so frequent references to the praetor's rod in some modern books.

^{page 7 note 2} Professor J. S. Reid has kindly furnished me with this note: ‘In the Phaedrus passage there is a double entendre. Tiberius hints (I) that greater services are needed before a slave can win his manumission; (2) that he must commit greater faults before he earns a cuffing.’

^{page 7 note 3} I am indebted for the following note also to Professor J. S. Reid: ‘Some of the authorities mix up very much the alapa and the festuca, attributing to the latter the same function as to the alapa. The fact that the lictor (under orders from the praetor) imposes the festuca on the slave's caput, seems important. The meaning may be that now the slave has a caput in the legal sense (or even i a caput), and can appear on the census lists as an owner of property.’

^{page 8 note 1} See Buckland, Roman Law of Slavery, p. 451 f. (as against Karlowa).

^{page 8 note 2} Quintilian, Inst. Orat, xi, 3, 158; cp. Suet. Tib. 45, where the word is used in a somewhat different sense.

^{page 8 note 3} Cp. the record of a manumission (from Dodona): [τρα] πϵῖσθαι ὄπᾳ κα θέλῃ (Collitz, 1359, quoted by Sittl, Die Gebärden der Gr. u. Röm. p. 132 n.) The same kind of formula occurs frequently in mediaeval charters : e.g. (year 912) ei per quatuor angulos Orbis liberam facultatem eundi (Muratori, Antiq. Ital. i, 849); (about year 1070) ‘ostendat ei liberas vias et portas’ (Thorpe, Ancient Laws and Institutes of England, p. 171).

^{page 8 note 4} Cp. Gibbon, Decline and Fall, chap. lviii, on the accolade of knighthood: ‘The cheek or shoulder were touched with a slight blow, as ah emblem of the last affront which it was lawful for him to endure.’

^{page 8 note 5} Gebärden, p. 132 n.

^{page 8 note 6} Cp. Eitrem, , Opferritus und Voropfer der Griechen und Römer (Kristiania, 1915), p. 50Google Scholar.

^{page 9 note 1} Glossarium, art. Alapa militaris.

^{page 9 note 2} The important words (as quoted by Selden) are: Statuimus ut si quis ex ipsis sustentationem babuerint vel militare voluerint, dicta potestas, sicut consuetudinis est, manu colapho sic milites faciat. Selden, Titles of Honour, part ii, chap. i,§ 59, speaks of Charlemagne's ‘constitutions (as they are pretended) made for the state of Frisland’. Böhmer-Mühlbacher, , Regesta Imperii, i, no. 386Google Scholar, describe the document as ‘Fälschung ohne echte Vorlage, inhaltlich und formell unmöglich’: they mention no earlier manuscript than one of the fourteenth century. The date of the forgery would be important only if it was considerably earlier than 1100.

^{page 9 note 3} At any rate none of them mentions any earlier date than 1085, when William the Conqueror ‘dubbade his sunu Henric to ridere’ (O.E. Chron.) Of the term ‘dub’ two widely different views are taken. Diez (Etym. Dict, of the Romance Languages, s.v. Addobbare) and Skeat regard it essentially Germanic in derivation, and take A.S. dubban as meaning ‘to strike’. If that is correct, then William must be supposed to have inflicted a blow on Henry. Other etymologists (e.g. Wedgwood) favour the Fr. adouber as earlier than dubban, and regard the primary meaning as ‘to equip’ The Oxf. Eng. Dict. inclines in this latter direction, or at any rate is very critical of a Germanic derivation. Du Cange's derivation art. Adobare in glossary) of adouber from adoptare (Per arma) is Probably quite impossible, and is definitely rejected by the art. Knighthood in the Enc. Brit.; but the evidence adduced by Du Cange makes it strangely plausible.

^{page 9 note 4} Taylor, , The Mediaeval Mind, i, p. 527Google Scholar f., who refers to Gautier, La Chevalerie, pp. 246–7 and 270 ff. The instructions in Martène (De antiq. ecclesiae ritibus, ii, 240) De benedictione novi militis provide for an alapa, but no stroke with the sword. On the other hand, according to the Pontificale Romanum (De bened. nov. milit.) there should be three strokes with the sword on the scapulae, and then a slight alapa with the right hand.

^{page 10 note 1} Histoire des inst. pol. de l'anc. France, iv, p. 314.

^{page 10 note 2} Armigeri (squires) also received an alapa, and had a sword delivered to them, but could not wear it girded on as knights did (Selden, part ii, chap, i, § 63). For the sake of simplicity all reference to this has been omitted in the text. But the point is of some importance if any one thinks that the difference of station between the manumitted slave and the knight is too great to suggest, or to permit, identity of usage.

^{page 10 note 3} The phrase is taken from an interesting article by Justice Holmes, O. W. in the Harvard Law Review, xii (1899), p. 446Google Scholar.

^{page 10 note 4} Op. cit. iv, 303 ff.

^{page 10 note 5} Essai sur les formes et les effets de l'affranchissement dans le droit gallo-franc (Bibl. de l'école des Hautes Études lx).

^{page 10 note 6} Sermo xxi, 6.

^{page 11 note 1} Op. cit. p. 59.

^{page 11 note 2} Augusti, Denkwürdigkeiten aus der Christl. Archäologie (1825), vii, p. 451.

^{page 12 note 1} Cp. Warde Fowler, Roman Festivals, p. 127 f.

^{page 12 note 2} Op. cit. p. 146.

^{page 12 note 3} Geschichte des röm. Rechts im Mittelalter² (1834), ii, p. 90 f.

^{page 12 note 4} Op. cit., p. 145; (for the festuca) p. 127 f.

^{page 13 note 1} Op. cit. p. 146.

^{page 13 note 2} Vita di S. Filippo Neri scritta dal P. Pier Giacomo Bacci (Roma 1837) p. 264Google Scholar; Vita di Benvenuto Cellini scritta da lui medesimo, Libro i, cap. i, iv. These two references, with several valuable hints and criticisms, I owe to the kindness of Professor Phillimore.

^{page 13 note 3} Durand, , Rationale Divinorum Officiorum, vi, c. 84Google Scholar.

^{page 13 note 4} Art. Confirmation (Roman Catholic) in Hastings' Enc. of Religion and Ethics—an article which I have found particularly helpful.

^{page 14 note 1} “Germanische Rechtssymbolik in der röm. Liturgie” in Deutschrechtliche Beiträge, viii, 4 (1913), pp. 316–327Google Scholar. Unfortunately I have not access to this at present, and know it only from the report in Cabrol's Dict. (art. Confirmation.)