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The Diffusion of Manichaeism in the Roman Empire

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 September 2012

Peter Brown
Peter Brown
Affiliation:
All Souls College, Oxford
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Extract

A study of the fate of Manichaeism in the Roman Empire derives its interest from three main problems. First, Manichaeism was invariably associated with Persia: to study the growth of Manichaeism in the eastern provinces of the Roman Empire, and to trace the attitude of the Roman governing-class to its expansion, is to touch on an important sector of the cultural relations between the Sassanian Empire and the Roman world. Secondly, the repression of Manichaeism in the Christian Empire was the spear-head of religious intolerance: the only Christian heretics to be executed in the Early Church were Manichees or those, such as Priscillian, on whom the accusation of Manichaeism could be made to stick. Thirdly, Manichaeism was a missionary religion: its rapid expansion in the third and fourth centuries makes it the last religion from the eastern provinces to attempt to make headway in Roman society, just as its appearance in the T'ang Empire of China, alongside Buddhism and Nestorian Christianity, place it among the leading ‘barbarian’ religions that spread into an Empire which had suddenly opened to the Western World. Conversely, the withering away of Manichaeism in the Roman Empire is a symptom of the growth of a new, more exclusive, more localized society, that foreshadows the embattled Christendom of the Middle Ages.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Journal of Roman Studies , Volume 59 , November 1969 , pp. 92 - 103
Copyright
Copyright © Peter Brown 1969. Exclusive Licence to Publish: The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies

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References

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2 Recently accepted by E. Volterra, ‘La costituzione di Diocleziano e Massiminiano contro i Manichei’, Persia e il mondo greco-romano (Accademia dei Lincei, anno 363, quaderno 76), 1966, pp. 27–50 at pp. 40–44.

3 G. Widengren, Mesopotamian Elements in Manichaeism (Uppsala Universitets Årsskrift) 1946, p. 179: ‘By propagating a syncretistic religion, Mani was able to offer the Sassanian King of Kings a religion well-suited to be acceptable both to his Iranian and Mesopotamian subjects’.

4 Notably by Seston, W., ‘L'Egypte manichéenne’, Chronique d'Égypte XIV, 1939, pp. 362–372CrossRefGoogle Scholar; ‘Le roi Narsès, les Arabes et le manichéisme’, Mélanges R. Dussaud, 1939, pp. 227–234; and Dioclétien et la Tétrarchie (Bibliothéque de l'école française d'Athènes et Rome, 162), 1946, pp. 149–159; and accepted, for instance, by A. Chastagnol, La préfecture urbaine sous le Bas-Empirè, 1960, p. 156: ‘Ce sort particulier s'explique sans doute par les origines iraniennes de la doctrine et par la crainte de trahisons au moment des guerres entre la Rome et la Perse’. (My italics).

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9 See A. Böhlig, ‘Christliche Würzeln im Manichäismus’, Bulletin de la société d'archéologie copte XV, 1960, pp. 41–61, esp. p. 47—Zoroaster and Buddha are distant figures, compared to Jesus. The best statement of the nature of Manichaeism relates Mani to Gnosticism, not to Zoroaster: H. C. Puech, Le Manichéisme: son fondateur, sa doctrine (Musée Guimet, Bibliothèque de diffusion LVI) 1949, esp. pp. 69–70.

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13 As rightly emphasized by Burkitt, op. cit. (n. 7) and Höhlig, art. cit. (n. 9), pp. 47 ff.

14 J. B. Ward-Perkins, ‘Frontiere politiche e frontiere culturali’, Persia e il mondo greco romano cit. (n. 2), 395–409: from the English summary at p. 395.

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16 See Seston, art. cit. (n. 4).

17 J. Neusner, A History of the Jews in Babylonia, Il: The Early Sassanian Period (Studia Post Biblica, XI), 1966, pp. 2–3, 28 and 41.

18 Kephalaia 1, ed. H. J. Polotsky and A. Böhlig, 1940, p. 15, admirably re-examined by A. Maricq in Honigmann-Maricq, op. cit. (n. 11), pp. 24–25.

19 See esp. the summary of L. J. R. Ort, Mani. A religio-historical description of his personality (Supplementa ad Numen, altera series, I), 1967.

20 Schmidt-Polotsky, op. cit. (n. 8), p. 23. Augustine, Contra epistulam Fundamenti, c. 1 = A. Adam, op. cit. (n. 1) no. 10, p. 27: ‘Manichaeus apostolus Jesu Christ i providentia dei patris.’

21 Puech, op. cit. (n. 9), pp. 62–64. See esp. Kephalaia CLIV, cited in Schmidt-Polotsky, op. cit. (n. 8) p. 44; and F. C. Andreas, ‘Mitteliranische Manichaica, II’ (Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1933, 5), p. 295 in A. Adam, op. cit. (n. 1) no. 3d, p. 6.

22 I know of no treatment of the possible source of this idea: it is far more drastic than any contemporary Christian statement of the supra-national quality of the Church—on which, see E. Peterson, ‘Das Problem des Nationalismus im alten Christentum’, in Frühkirche, Judentum und Gnosis, 1959, pp. 51–53.

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24 Kephalaia I, ed. cit. (n. 18), p. 15.

25 M. 3: F. W. K. Müller, ‘Handschrift-Reste in Estrangelo-Schrift aus Turfan’, Anhang, Abhandlungen preuss. Ak. Wiss., 1904, p. 87, pp. 81–82, in Ort, op. cit., (n. 19), p. 53.

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27 Schmidt-Polotsky, op. cit. (n. 8), p. 27, n. 2.

28 M. 566 1 Recto: in Ort, op. cit. (n. 19), p. 51.

29 M. 3, Müller, op. cit. (n. 25).

30 M. 42: in Henning, op. cit. (n. 21), pp. 879–880. Compare the speech of Mâr Aba, Nestorian catholikos of the sixth century, Vita, c. 14 in Braun, Ausgewählte Akten persischer Märtyrer, 1915, pp. 198–199.

31 Chronicle of Seert, Patrologia Orientalis IV, p. 220.

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45 Excellently described, with much unpublished Syriac material, by Vööbus, op. cit. (n. 43), pp. 159–162.

46 Chaumont, art. cit. (n. 44), p. 176: see Pigulevskaja, op. cit. (n. 32), pp. 161–169, for a discussion of the diffusion of Syrian techniques in textile production in the Sassanian Empire.

47 See most recently, H. J. W. Drivers, Bardaisan of Edessa (Studia Semitica Neerlandica, 1) 1966, and Vööbus, op. cit. (n. 43), pp. 187–189.

48 Manichäische Homilien, ed. cit. (n. 26), pp. 84–85, refers to bitter persecution in Persia.

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67 See Wolska, op. cit. (n. 51) and Mercati, op. cit. (n. 53).

68 See P. Peeters, Le tréfonds orientale de l'hagiographie byzantine, 1950, pp. 20 sq., on the use of Syriac by diplomats.

69 Suggested by Dr. Ilsetraut Hadot: to appear in Studia Patristcia. (Communications of the International Patriotic Congress, 1967.) Though not accepted by Dr. Alan Cameron, ‘The Last Days of the Academy at Athens’, to appear in the Proc. Cambr. Philol. Soc.

70 See Mercati, op. cit. (n. 53), pp. 183 f.

71 In Patrologia Graeca LXXXIX, coll. 528–578.

72 The document is a rescript, see Volterra, art. cit. (n. 2), p. 32.

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79 ‘Ambrosiaster’, Comment, ad II ep. Tim. III, 6 (Patrol. latino XVII, 521).

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82 Festugière, op. cit. (n. 81), pp. 201 f.

83 Ad Justinum manichaeum XVI, Patrol, latina VIII, 1008 C—D.

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85 Puech, op. cit. (n. 9), pp. 88–91.

86 Evodius, de fide 5 (Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiae Latinorum XXV).

87 Hegemonius, Acta Archelai, 10; Manichäische Homilien, ed. cit. (n. 26), p. 38; Augustine, , Contra Faustum V, 10Google Scholar and Confessiones IV, i, 1. The same mentality is vividly described in the twelfth-century Cathars, see R. Manselli, L'eresia del male, 1963, esp. p. 237.

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90 This is a constant feature of such movements: see Abel, A., ‘Aspects sociologiques des religions manichéennes’, Mélanges Réné Crozet I, 1966, PP. 33–46Google Scholar. It explains, in part, the success of Manichaeism along with Buddhism, among the nomads of Central Asia. Both were religions of groups of ‘perfect’, settled in the midst of laymen of totally different habits: see Maenchen-Helfen, J., ‘Manichaeans in Siberia’, University of California Publications in Semitic Philology XI, 1951, pp. 311–326Google Scholar, at p. 318–9 … ‘there is an aura of solemnity around them (the frescoes of Manichaean Elect), something ceremonial, a dignity which sets them worlds apart from the quick and fierce Qyrghyz noblemen’.

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93 Marcellinus, Ammianus, Res Gestae XXX, 10Google Scholar, 3.

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95 Libanius, Ep. 1253. For the violence with which Christian communities treated such small groups, see Julian, Ep. 41 (ed. Loeb, iii, p. 128).

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100 Eutychius, Annales (Patrologia Graeca CXI, coll. 1023–1025).

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103 Athanasius, Historia Arianorum 73.

104 See the document in Patrologia Latina LXV, 25 B—c.

105 See Brown, art. cit. (n. 96), pp. 301–305.

106 Cod. Just. I, v, 11 and 12.

107 See esp. J. Ries, ‘La Gnose manichéenne dans les textes liturgiques manichéens coptes’, Le Origini dello Gnosticismo. Colloquio di Messina, 1967, pp. 614–624.

108 Public debates: Addas in Alexandria: F. C. Andreas—W. Henning, M. 2 in Sitzungsberichte der preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1933, 7, p. 301. Challenge by Apthonius to Aetius of Antioch: Philostorgius, Hist. Eccl. III, 15Google Scholar ed. Bidez, p. 461. Arrival from Antioch to Gaza; Marc le Diacre, Vie de Porphyre, ed. cit. (n. 84), c. 85, p. 66. Histrionic gestures: Augustine, , C. Felicem I, 12Google Scholar—where Felix appears in the forum and offers to be burnt with his books if proved wrong. See Rufinus, Historia Monachorum 9 (Patrologia Latina XXI, coll. 426–427), for a gesture that misfired.

109 See esp. Marc le diacre, Vie de Porphyre, ed. cit. (n. 84), c. 85, p. 66. The Georgian version of this incident still further emphasizes the wild dress of the Elect: Peeters, P., Analecta Bollandiana LXI, 1941, p. 198Google Scholar.

110 See Cod. Theod. XV, 5, 18 (389): ‘ex omni quidem orbe terrarum sed quam maxime ex hac urbe pellantur’. The Acta Archelai, c. 65, reflects fourth-century conditions faithfully: ‘valde enim hi qui missi fuerant ab eo per singulas civitates ab omnibus hominibus exsecrationi habebantur, maxime apud quos christianorum nomen veneratione erat’. Compare Rufinus, Hist. Mon. 9.

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114 See Brown, op. cit. (n. 84), p. 54. In Carthage, by contrast, the Manichees lived under constant fear of denunciation: Augustine, , de moribus Man. (II), xix, 29Google Scholar.

115 Hydatius, Chron. no. 24 (Patrol. Lat. LI, 882).

116 Leo, , Sermo 16, 5Google Scholar and Ep. 15 (Patrol. Lat. LIV, 680A).

117 See, most recently, Brooke, C. N. L., ‘Heresy and religious sentiment: 1000–1250’, Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research XLI, 1968, pp. 115–131CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

118 See Brown, art. cit. (n. 96), pp. 304–305; esp C. Felicem i, 18.

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120 See R. Duval, Histoire politique, littéraire et religieuse d'Edesse, 1892, pp. 169–171.

121 of Tours, Gregory, Historica Francorum IX, 6Google Scholar.

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123 Vividly characterized by Vööbus, op. cit. (n. 43), I, pp. 85 f. and II, pp. 22–35 and esp. pp. 187–192, on the well-merited tribulations of the vagrant Alexander the Sleepless. How little the Western authorities tolerated a religious vagrancy that was normal in the East, is shown in the total outlawry of the Circumcellions, whose oriental parallels have been shrewdly exposed by Calderone, Salvatore, ‘Circumcelliones’, La Parola del Passato CXIII, 1967, pp. 94–109Google Scholar.

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125 Cod. Theod. XVI, 5, 3 (372).

126 L. Duchesne, Christian Worship: its origin and evolution, transl. McClure, 1919, p. 421.

127 Scythianus: in Hegemonius, Acta Archelai 61–65.

128 The New T'ang History, cited in Pulleybank, E. G., ‘A Soghdian Colony in Outer Mongolia’, T'oung Pao XLI, 1953, pp. 317–356Google Scholar at p. 317.

129 See Maenchen-Helfen, art. cit. (n. 90), p. 324: ‘Merchant and Manichaean must for some time have been practically synonymous’; and A. Adam, Handbuch der Orientalistik, I Abt., viii, 2,pp. 118–119.

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133 See esp. Wolska, op. cit. (n. 51), pp. 3–11.

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137 For instance, the account of the Borboriani in Bar-Hebraeus, Chronicon Ecclesiasticum I, ed. Abbeloos, Louvain 1872, pp. 220–222.

138 See esp. Pigulevskaja, op. cit. (n. 32), pp. 218–221.

139 See esp. Malalas, Chronograpkia (Bonn), pp. 309–320 and Theophanes, Chron. Anno Mundi 6016, ed. De Boor I, pp. 169–171.

140 Henning, art. cit. (n. 37), p. 16.

141 There may be one exception: Manichaean propaganda in Armenia may lie at the origin of die Paulician heresy, see D. Obolensky, The Bogomils, 1948, pp. 17–18. But even if it did spread into Armenia in the sixth century, Manichaeism lost its identity in the Paulician movement, where it is ‘Christianised’ beyond recognition. For an alternative explanation of the origin of Paulicianism, that minimises direct Manichaean influence, see N. G. Garsoian, The Paulician Heresy. A Study of the Origin and Development of Paulicianism in Armenia and the Eastern Provinces of the Byzantine Empire, 1964.

142 Franke, O., Geschichte des chinesischen Reichs II, 1936, esp. p. 552Google Scholar, l. 27.