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71. See especially Belush, The Failure of the NRA, 55–84, 176–79.

72. The antecedents of FDR's “court-packing” plan have been amply covered by Friedel, Frank, “The Sick Chicken Case,” in Garraty, John, ed., Quarrels That Have Shaped the Constitution (New York, 1964).Google Scholar

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127. See Suzanne Berger, “Introduction,” in Berger, Organizing Interests in Western Europe, 1–26.

128. Committee for Economic Development, Productivity Policy, 12.

129. Neal, Business Power and Public Policy, 63–64.

130. On management's misinvestments, see Neal, Business Power and Public Policy, 67; for a discussion about the relationship between declining productivity and inflation, see Committee for Economic Development, Productivity Policy, 26. Douglas Hibbs, Jr., offers a somewhat more scholarly analysis of the effects of inflation and taxation on corporate capital expenditures in The American Political Economy: Macroeconomics and Electoral Politics (Cambridge, MA., 1987), 101–5.Google Scholar

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134. Committee for Economic Development, Redefining Government's Role, 18–19.

135. Neal, Business Power and Public Policy, 69–76.

136. Committee for Economic Development, Productivity Policy, 54–57; and Committee for Economic Development, Strategy for U.S. Industrial Competitiveness, 36–37.

137. Committee for Economic Development, Fighting Inflation and Promoting Growth, 57–59; Redefining Government's Role, 56–78; and Productivity Policy, 65–68.

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140. Edsall, The New Politics, 120–23; and McQuaid, Big Business and Presidential Power, 289–96.

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144. Neal, Business Power and Public Policy, 26–35; and Committee for Economic Development, Redefining Government's Role in the Market System, 29–39.

145. For an introduction to public affairs management, see Marcus et al., Business Strategy and Public Policy.

146. See note 125.

147. Scholzman, Kay Lehman and Tierney, John T. describe the declining importance of the trade association for the business community in Washington in Organized Interests and American Democracy (New York, 1986), 81–82.Google ScholarMiles, Robert H. describes the formation of the public affairs office in the tobacco industry in his Coffin Nails and Corporate Strategies (Englewood Cliffs, 1982)Google Scholar and offers a general theory in Managing the Corporate Social Environment: A Grounded Theory (Englewood Cliffs, 1987). Other studies that explore the interactions between the firm and trade association are John F. Mahon and James E. Post, “The Evolution of Political Strategies During the 1980 Superfund Debate,” in Marcus et al., Business Strategy and Public Policy, 61–80; Derthick, Martha and Quirk, Paul J., The Politics of Deregulation (Washington, D.C., 1985), 157–59Google Scholar; and Kaufman, Allen, “Synthetic Fuels and Public Policy: Challenges for Business Solidarity,” in Lee Preston, ed., Research in Corporate Social Performance and Policy (Greenwich, 1984), 187–212.Google Scholar

148. Stephen E. Littlejohn, “Competition and Cooperation: New Trends in Issue Identification and Management at Monsanto and Gulf,” in Marcus et al., Business Strategy and Public Policy, 19–30, discusses the strategic criteria that inform corporate political coalition building. Joseph L. Bower extends the argument by providing examples of corporate/public-interest group coalitions—which Bower calls forums—that have helped shape public policy; see his The Two Faces of Management: An American Approach to Leadership in Business and Management (Boston, 1983), chap. 9. Lodge, George C. provides a similar analysis in The American Disease (New York, 1984), 147–69Google Scholar, even if he argues for a more coherent industrial policy than the corporate sector has yet been willing to endorse.

149. Edsall, The New Politics of Inequality, 138–40.

150. Kaufman et al., “Corporate Factionalism and Corporate Solidarity.” For an assessment of the conservative shift that occurred in 1980, see Burnham, Walter Dean, “Into the 1980s with Ronald Reagan,” in Burnham, Walter Dean, The Current Crisis in American Politics (New York, 1982), 268–320Google Scholar; Sundquist, James L. and Scammon, Richard M., “The 1980 Election: Profile and Historical Perspective,” in Sandoz, Ellis and Crabb, Cecil V. Jr, eds., A Tide of Discontent: The 1980 Elections and Their Meaning (Washington, D.C., 1981), 32–33Google Scholar; Edsall, Thomas Byrne, “The Changing Shape of Power: A Realignment in Public Policy,” in Fraser, Steve and Gerstle, Gary, eds., The Rise and Fall of the New Deal Order, 1930–1980 (Princeton, 1989), 269–93Google Scholar; Hibbs, The American Political Economy, 191–208; and Stein, Presidential Economics, chap. 9.

151. Berle and Means, The Modern Corporation, 356–57.

152. See, for example, Edsall, The New Politics of Inequality; Levitan, Business Lobbies, 3–8; Useem, The Inner Circle; and Ferguson, Thomas and Rogers, Joel, “The Reagan Victory: Corporate Coalitions in the 1980 Campaign,” in Rogers, Joel and Ferguson, Thomas, eds., The Hidden Election: Politics and Economics in the 1980 Presidential Campaign (New York, 1981)Google Scholar; and Clawson et al., “The Logic of Business Unity.”

153. Derthick, The Politics of Deregulation; Mahon and Post, Business Strategy and Public Policy; and Marcus, Alfred and Kaufman, Allen, “Why It Is Difficult to Implement Industrial Policies: Lessons from the Synfuels Experience,” California Management Review 28 (1986), 98–114.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

154. Maitland, Ian, “Self-Defeating Lobbying: How More Is Buying Less in Washington,” The Journal of Business Strategy 7 (1986), 67–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ian Maitland, “Collective Versus Individual Lobbying: How Business Ends Up the Loser,” in Marcus et al., Business Strategy and Public Policy, 95–104; and Eismeier and Pollock, III, “The Retreat from Partisanship.”