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The Left and the Super-Left in Tanzania

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 November 2008

Extract

The politically effervescent Frene Ginwalla has had to relinquish the editorship of The Standard in Tanzania, sacked by President Nyerere. The revolutionary wing of the student body of the University of Dar es Salaam has had its political claws blunted. Militantly zealous expatriates in Dar es Salaam have declined in influence. And those who used Uganda's problems following the January 1971 coup as an additional excuse for radical slogans have now been forced to cool down following the official rapprochement between the Governments of Tanzania and Uganda.

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Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1972

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References

Page 428 note 1 Ali A. Mazrui, ‘Socialism as a Mode of International Protest: the case of Tanzania’, in Rotberg, Robert I. and Mazrui, Ali A. (eds.), Protest and Power in Black Africa (New York, 1970), especially pp. 1144–5.Google Scholar

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Page 431 note 1 Nyerere, Julius, ‘A Statement of Policies’, in Punch (London), 16 03 1966, p. 371.Google Scholar

Page 431 note 2 Cf. Cliffe, Lionel (ed.), One Party Democracy: the 1965 Tanzania General Elections (Nairobi, 1967), pp. 339–49.Google Scholar

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Page 432 note 2 Proposals of the Tanzania Government on National Service as Applied to University Graduates and School Leavers (Dar es Salaam, 1966)Google Scholar

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Page 433 note 1 Kambona, Oscar, ‘Tanzania and the Problems of African Unity’; Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, Lagos, 6 June 1968.Google Scholar

Page 433 note 2 The Arusha Declaration and TANU's Policy of Socialism and Self-Reliance (Dar es Salaam, 1967)Google Scholar; a revised English translation is printed in Freedom and Socialism, pp. 231–50.

Page 433 note 3 Ibid. p. 4.

Page 433 note 4 Africa Research Bulletin, V, 3, 03 1968, p. 1010.Google Scholar

Page 433 note 5 Over a year later it was announced in the National Assembly that 20 Tanzanian leaders had failed to meet the leadership code requirements of the Arusha Declaration; The Standard (Dar es Salaam), 23 10 1969.Google Scholar Most of them seem to have ‘reformed’ sufficiently to escape disciplinary action.

Page 434 note 1 Helleiner, op. cit. pp. 191–2.

Page 434 note 2 Freedom and Socialism, pp. 233–4.

Page 434 note 3 Ibid. p. 254.

Page 434 note 4 Ibid. p. 365.

Page 434 note 5 Ibid. pp. 340 and 355–8.

Page 435 note 1 Ibid. pp. 407 and 405.

Page 435 note 2 A recent study found that many Lushoto peasants were not prepared to abandon their traditional, individual methods of agricultural production. Molloy, J., ‘Political Communication in Lushoto District, Tanzania’; Ph.D. thesis, University of Canterbury, 11 1971.Google Scholar

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Page 436 note 6 Bienen, op. cit. p. 253.

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Page 438 note 1 For the views of the leading spokesmen of this group, Giovanni Arrighi and John S. Saul, see their searching article on ‘Nationalism and Revolution in Sub-Saharan Africa’, in The Socialist Registsr, 1969 (London, 1970).Google Scholar They note that there are ‘formidable’ constraints upon the development of a revolutionary consciousness within the borders of Tanzania and Zambia.

Page 438 note 2 Parliamentary Debates (Dar es Salaam), 12 1963, col. 172.Google Scholar

Page 439 note 1 The Standard, May 1968.

Page 439 note 2 Ibid. 27 September and 2, 4, and 8 October 1968.

Page 439 note 3 Svendsen, loc. cit. p. 12.

Page 439 note 4 Speech by President Nyerere at the University of Toronto, October 1969; Africa Digest (London), XVI, 6, 12 1969, p. 105.Google Scholar

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Page 440 note 2 Sunday News (Dar es Salaam), 20 10 1968.Google ScholarUlimwengu was in fact closed down, but on a technicality of registration.

Page 440 note 3 Since the Newspaper Ordinance Amendment Act referred only to local publications, these Kenya newspapers were banned by Nyerere under Cap. 16, Section 51 (I) of the Penal Code, which he had similarly invoked after the army mutiny in January 1964.

Page 440 note 4 The Standard, 19 October 1968. The two West Lake M.P.'s – G. R. S. Kaneno (Karagwe) and M. J. Bakampenja (Ihangiro) – were excluded as a result of local party infighting; see Thoden van Velzen, H. U. E. and Sterkenburg, J. J., ‘The Party Supreme’, in Kroniek van Afrika (Assen), 1969, pp. 6875 and App. B.Google Scholar

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Page 441 note 2 Freedom and Socialism, p. 8.

Page 441 note 3 Ibid. pp. 23–26.

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Page 442 note 1 Freedom and Socialism, p. 8.

Page 442 note 2 Ibid. pp. 22 and 5.

Page 442 note 3 For example, by the Guide Lines to the 1971–72 Plan (Dares Salaam, 1971),Google Scholar by regional and national party conferences, and by allowing free comment in letters to the editors of local newspapers. See Finucane, op. cit. p. 316.

Page 442 note 4 Speech by President Nyerere at Cairo University, 10 April 1967; Mbioni, 05 1967, p. 15.Google Scholar

Page 443 note 1 Cited by Mazrui, Ali A., ‘Tanzaphilia’, in Transition (Kampala), VI, 31, 0607 1967.Google Scholar See also Leys, Cohn, ‘Tanganyika: the realities of independence’, in International Journal (Toronto), XVII, 1963.Google Scholar

Page 443 note 2 Issa G. Shivji, ‘Tanzania: the silent class struggle’; Universities of East Africa Social Sciences Conference, Dar es Salaam, December 1970.

Page 443 note 3 See ‘Tanzania: Soviet views on the Arusha Programme,’ in Mizan: Journal of Sino–Soviet Policies (London), IX, 5, 0910 1967, p. 197.Google Scholar

Page 444 note 1 Ibid. p. 201.

Page 444 note 2 The Standard, 28 January 1972, published the President's speech in which he announced these steps. They will lead to considerable administrative devolution, but not necessarily to increased popular participation in planning and decision-making.