¹ In 1992 Botswana ranked fifth behind Mauritius, Seychelles, South Africa, and Gabon in income per capita, and held the same position, falling substantially below Mauritius and Seychelles, on the U.N.D.P.'s Human Development Index which takes progress on public health and education into account. United Nations Development Programme,Google ScholarHuman Development Report, 1992 (New York, 1992).Google Scholar

² See World Bank, World Development Report, 1991 (New York 1991), Table 30.Google Scholar

³ Botswana Gazette (Gaborone), 24 10 1990. One Pula was worth U.S.$o.53 in 1990 and 0.48 in 1991.Google ScholarJefferis, Keith, ‘The Economy in 1991’, in Barclays Botswana, Economic Review (Gaborone), 3, 1, 1992, p. 4.Google Scholar

⁴ Memorandum from the Acting Registrar of the University of Botswana, Gaborone, 3 April 1992.

⁵ The Economist (London), 17 06 1989, with reference to a study by Jeffrey Sachs.Google Scholar

⁶ Ibid. 14 July 1990.

⁷ Republic of Botswana, Report of the Presidential Commission on the Review of the Incomes Policy (Gaborone, 10 03 1990), Table 7.Google Scholar

⁸ Keith Jefferis, ‘The 1992 Budget’, in Barclays Botswana, op.cit. p. 16.

⁹ Wylie, Diana, A Little God: the twilight of patruirchy in a Southern African chiefdom (Hanover, NH, and London, 1990), pp. 25 and 27.Google Scholar

¹⁰ The Botswana Government's non-ethnic-based term ‘Remote Area Dwellers’ is without geographic or spatial content. Gulbrandsen and associates reported in 1986 that the ‘RAD population’ of the Central District, for example, was found in all five sub-districts, including centres such as Serowe/Palapye and Mahalapye. They noted that 97 per cent were of ‘Basarwa origin’; that there was also ‘a number of impoverished Bamangwato…living far from serviced villages’, groups of Bakgalagadi and Baherero, and ‘more mixed groups in the Boteti’; and that in ‘several settlements in Nata … Bakalanga and Basarwa share the same living conditions’. See Gulbrandsen, Ornulf, Karlsen, Marit, and Lexow, Janne, Botswana: Remote Area Development Programme. Report submitted to the Royal Norwegian Ministry of Development Cooperation (Bergen/Gaborone/Oslo, 1986), p. 184.Google Scholar According to Hitchcock, Robert K., Monitoring Research and Development in the Remote Areas of Botswana. Report to the Ministry of Local Government and Lands, Botswana, and the Ministry of Development Cooperation, Norway, July 1988 (Bergen/Gaborone/Oslo, 1988), p. 4–73, ‘groups identified as RADs’ can be found in ‘Francistown, Gaborone, and Kanye’. The essential connotation of the term ‘Remote Area Dwellers’ is thus remoteness from political and economic power, not physical distance from the centre.Google Scholar

¹¹ Settlers, travellers, donors, and perhaps especially anthropologists, have contributed to this confusion. As expressed by Barnard, Alan, Hunters and Herders of Southern Africa: a comparative ethnography of the Khoisan peoples (Cambridge, 1992), pp. 7–9 and 17, ‘each Khoisan specialist has his or her own, often idiosyncratic, spellings for the various group names, and preferences change from publication to publication’. He also notes that, ‘although “San” is gaining wide acceptance among non-specialists, several ethnographers who formerly used it have now reverted to “Bushmen”.CrossRefGoogle Scholar See also Wilmsen, Edwin N., ‘The Real Bushmen is the Male One: labour and power in the creation of Basarwa ethnicity’, in Botswana Notes and Records (Gaborone), 22, 1990, pp. 32–3.Google Scholar

¹² Hitchcock, op.cit. pp. 3–37.

¹³ Hitchcock, op.cit. pp. 3–35 to 3–39, offers a much higher estimate for the number of Remote dwellers without fully clarifying the basis of his figures.

¹⁴ Lewis-Williams, J. D., Discovering Southern African Rock Art (Cape Town and Johannesburg, 1990), pp. 17–18.Google Scholar

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¹⁷ Wilmsen and Denbow, loc.cit. pp. 499–500.

¹⁸ Ramsay, Jeff, ‘Zoowholand?’ in Mmegi (Gaborone), 22 05 1992, p. 16.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Quoted by Wilmsen, , Land Filled With Flies, pp. 36 and 83, and Wilmsen and Denbow, loc.cit. p. 495.Google Scholar

²⁰ Barnard, op.cit. p. 11.

²¹ Kinahan, John, Pastoral Nomads of the Central Namib Desert (Windhoek, Namibia Archaeological Trust, 1991), p. 8.Google Scholar

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²⁴ Wilmsen and Denbow, loc.cit. p. 491 and 496.

²⁵ Passarge, Siegfried, Die Buschmänner der Kalahari (Berlin, 1907),Google Scholar quoted in ibid. p. 491.

²⁶ Wilmsen and Denbow, loc.cit. p. 496.

²⁷ Barnard, op.cit. p. 11.

²⁸ Wylie, op.cit. pp. 42 and 84.

²⁹ Passarge, quoted in Wilmsen and Denbow, loc.cit. p. 492.

³⁰ Ibid. p. 493.

³¹ Wilmsen, Edwin N. and Vossen, Rainer, ‘Labour, Language and Power in the Construction of Ethnicity in Botswana’, in Critique of Anthropology (London), 10, 1, 1984, p. 18.Google Scholar

³² Miers, Suzanne and Crowder, Michael, ‘The Politics of Slavery in Bechuanaland: power struggles and the plight of the Basarwa in the Bamangwato Reserve, 1926–1940’, in Miers, and Roberts, Richard (eds.), The End of Slavery in Africa (Madison, 1988), p. 192. This statement was, of course, more indicative of Tshekedi's prestige than of his exact number of hereditary servants.Google Scholar

³³ Wylie, op.cit. pp. 42, 72, 148, 198, and 202.

³⁴ Quoted in Miers and Crowder, loc.cit. p. 172.

³⁵ Quoted in Wylie, op.cit. p. 88.

³⁶ Miers and Crowder, loc.cit. p. 177.

³⁷ See Lee, Richard B. and DeVore, Irven (eds.), Kalahari Hunter-Gatheres: studies of the! King San and their neighbours (Cambridge, MA, 1976).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁸ Quoted in Land Filled With Flies, pp. 8, 34 and 37. Another member of the Harvard Project wrote that the San's ‘traditional way of life’ was ‘strongly opposed to the accumulation of property and wealth’. See Mathias G. Guenther, ‘From Hunters to Squatters: social and cultural change among the farm San of Ghanzi, Botswana’, in Lee and DeVore (eds.), op.cit. p. 131.Google Scholar

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⁴⁴ Gulbrandsenet al. op.cit. pp. 147 and 1953.

⁴⁵ Egner, E. B. and Klausen, A. L.Poverty in Botswana (National Institute of Development and Cultural Research, Gaborone, 1980), p. 27.Google Scholar

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⁴⁷ Between 10 to 30 per cent of Remote people in six settlements claimed during 1990–1 that they had been charged with an offence by police or game scouts, mostly involving poaching or stock theft. In Groot Laagte in Ghanzi District, 82 per cent of those so charged received prison sentences averaging 4·5 months. See A Monitoring Programme for the Settlements at Thankane, Kokotsha, Inalegolo, Monong, Ngwatlhe and Groot Laagte (Ministry of Local Government and Lands, Gaborone, 05 1991), pp. 143 and 152.Google Scholar

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⁵⁰ Quoted, for example, in Wilmsen, ‘The Real Bushman’, p. 22.

⁵¹ Hitchcock, op.cit. pp. 3–4, 3–9 and 4–68.

⁵² Ibid. pp. 2–21/22, 4–65, and 4–71/72.

⁵³ Monitoring Programme, pp. 149 and 151.

⁵⁴ Hitchcock, op.cit. pp. 2–9/10.

⁵⁵ According to Ndozi, Christopher and Toteng, Elisha, A Socio-Economic Survey of Selected Central District Remote Area Settlements: Kedia, Khwee, Mmakgama and Mmiya (Applied Research Unit, Ministry of Local Government and Lands, Gaborone, 12 1989), pp. 31–3, as many as 86 per cent of respondents had never been to school or had any access to non-formal or adult literacy programmes. By contrast, the adult illiteracy rate for all Botswana in 1990 was only 26·4 per cent. U.N.D.P.,Google ScholarHuman Development Report, 1992, Table 1.

⁵⁶ Monitoring Programme, p. 143.

⁵⁷ Korfage, H. G., ‘The Extension of the Remote Area Dweller Settlements Development Areas’, Discussion Paper for Ghanzi District Land Use Planning Unit, June 1992, pp. 1–2. Groot Laagte is described as having ‘no official boundaries’. See also, Monitoring Programme, pp. 119 and 135, and ‘Data Base on Settlements in the RAD Programme’, Ministry of Local Government and Lands, Gaborone, 23 April 1992, p. 12.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Korfage, , op.cit. p. 2. There were, in addition, the settlements in the Central Kalahari Game Reserve which had an equivocal status, of which New Xade had neither a determined location nor identified water, while Dekar, on a farm belonging to the Dutch Reformed Church, had no planned development but a population in March 1992 of 2,931. ‘Data Base’, 1992, pp. 6 and 39.Google Scholar

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⁶⁰ Korfage, op.cit. pp. 1 and 6, and Ghanzi District Council, Review of the Remote Area Development Policy (Ghanzi, 08–09 1992), p. 4. The free acquisition of water in Ghanzi may be contrasted with the position of the Remote people in Mmiya in the Central District, where the settlement was without permanent water. In the reverse situation, as indicated byGoogle ScholarNdozi, and Toteng, , op.cit. p. 70, ‘the owner of the borehole’ in the surrounding cattle posts ‘offer[s] them water for cash, or as an agreement that some work should be done for him, or [they] simply refuse’.Google Scholar

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⁶⁴ Childers, op.cit. pp. 58–61.

⁶⁵ Childers, Gary W., Stanley, Joyce, and Rick, Kathryn, Government Settlement or People's Community: a study of local institutions in Ghanzi District (Applied Research Unit, Ministry of Local Government and Lands, Gaborone, 06 1982), pp. 6 and 10.Google Scholar

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⁶⁸ Statement by Keineetse, Keineetse supported by photographic evidence at a panel discussion of minority rights, University of Botswana, Gaborone, 8 October 1992.Google Scholar

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⁸⁴ Monitoring Programme, pp. 29, 55, and 151.

⁸⁵ Gulbrandsenet al. op.cit. p. 134.

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¹⁰⁵ Republic of Botswana, Report of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry Into Land Problems in Mogoditshane and Other Peri-Urban Villages (Gaborone, 13 12 1991), pp. xii–xiii.Google Scholar

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¹¹⁴ Quoted in the editorial in Mmegi, 29 May 1992.

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¹¹⁶ The Gazette, 27 May 1992.

¹¹⁷ Ibid.

¹¹⁸ When Mogate, K. M., a senior official in the Department of Wildlife and National Parks was asked about the report entitled Who Was [T]Here First?, he said: ‘I haven't seen it, but I'm almost certain it originates with expatriates’. When told that it was compiled for the Botswana Christian Council and written by a Motswana, he replied: ‘Oh, the churches… They are fond of using people. I am almost certain the author was used.’ Quoted in Mmegi, 29 May 1992.Google Scholar

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