1 This is instantly seen in Guatemala where, irrespective of political changes at the national level, a very uneven rate of political modernization has taken place from department to department, village to village. Compare, for instance, the state of political modernization in Aguacatán and Cantel. See McArthur, Harry S., “La estructura político-religiosa de Aguacatán,” Guatemala Indígena, I (abril-junio, 1961), 41–56 Google Scholar, and Nash, Manning, Machine Age Maya: The Industrialization of a Guatemalan Community (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1958), pp. 97–101.Google Scholar

2 The politically modernized society is viewed as being essentially the same as Gabriel Almond's “secular” political culture, namely, “… multi-valued, … rational-calculating, bargaining and experimental political culture.” “Comparative Political Systems,” Political Behavior: A Reader in Theory and Research, eds. Heinz Eulau, et. al. (Glencoe, III.: The Free Press, 1956), p. 36. It is also useful to note the distinction made by Fernando Cámara between the centripetal and centrifugal Mesoamerican community. The centripetal (inward moving or traditional) community is characterized by traditional, collectivistic, homogeneous, well-integrated social institutions. Social behavior is obligatory and the well-being of the community is placed above that of the individual. The centrifugal (outward moving or modern) community tends to consider the welfare of the individual as more important than that of the group. “Cultural stimuli tend to be selected and modified in terms of benefit to first, the individual, then his family circle and third the pueblo, village, local community or “cabecera.” See “Religious and Political Organization,” Heritage of Conquest, ed. Sol Tax (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1952).

3 A corruption of the word “Latin.” Technically, a person who follows Western rather than Indian cultural patterns. See Adams, Richard N., “Social Change in Guatemala and U. S. Policy,” Social Change in Latin America Today, ed. Bryson, Lyman (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1960), pp. 238–242.Google Scholar

4 A rural governmental subdivision roughly analogous to the U. S. county. It is usually composed of an urban center (cabecera) and a number of rural divisions called cantones or aldeas.

5 McArthur, , op. ctt., pp. 41–56.Google Scholar

6 See Nash, Manning, “Relaciones Políticas en Guatemala,” Integración social en Guatemala, ed. Arriola, Jorge Luis (Guatemala, C.A., 1956), pp. 147–149.Google Scholar

7 Literally, mayors. The other Spanish terms may be translated as follows: “regidores” — councilmen, “grandes” — noblemen, “alguaciles” — constables, “mayordomo” — steward. The term “corona” (crown) is the lowest post in the hierarchy. “Los de la caja” are minor functionaries in the religious brotherhoods called “cofradías.”

8 Actually, there exists in the Municipio de Aguacatán two civil-religious hierarchies, one for each of the two language groups living in the village — Aguacatecans and Chalchitecans. Since the use of this study is solely to illustrate the structure of the Indian civil-religious hierarchy as it exists today, the Chalchiteco hierarchy is not discussed.

9 See for example, Adams, Richard N., “Changing Political Relationships in Guatemala,” Political Changes in Guatemalan Indian Communities, ed., Adams, Richard N. (New Orleans: Middle American Research Institute, 1957), pp. 48–52 Google Scholar; Nash, Manning, Machine Age Maya, p. 97 Google Scholar; and Cámara, , loc. cit., pp. 161–164.Google Scholar

10 Dirección General de Estadística, Sexto Censo de Población, 1950. Its cabecera population of 3462 places it third in rank behind Quezaltenango and Coatepeque in size of urban population.

11 53.6 per cent in the Republic as a whole.

12 72.2 per cent in the Republic as a whole.

13 This tendency can be reasonably well documented by noting the unpublished data collected by the Instituto Indigenista on the political institutions of the municipios of the department.

14 Specifically, the civil-religious hierarchy appeared as follows:

15 One respondent, a former witchdoctor of over 70 years of age, identified certain persons in the village as principales; a second, the local priest, said a principal and a cacique (leader) were the same thing; a third man, the president of the cofradía, Señor Sepultado, called himself a principal.

16 The alcalde municipal, síndico and eight municipal councilmen were all elected on a party planilla. The alcaldes auxiliares, and the lower levels of the hierarchy in both the town center and in the aldeas were chosen by their predecessors and officially appointed by the alcalde municipal.

17 Even within the so-called religious hierarchy, the fifteen cofradías were autonomous, each recruiting and promoting its own personnel.

18 Prensa Libre, September 8, 1962.

19 According to popular legend, the church was set fire to by the local priest who ran off with the gold and silver from the church's images which had melted in the fire.

20 In this instance, certain progressive elements of the community found themselves allied — somewhat paradoxically — with the conservative forces.

21 This point is discussed by Moisés Abalí in “Problema religioso: Cofrades y párroco de Ostuncalco en pugna,” El Imparcial, April 14, 1962.

22 There was a good deal of confusion in San Juan over the proper terminology to be used to designate the leaders of the Indian community. The most generally encountered term was cacique, which means nobleman or leader. A cacique was generally described as an Indian who had achieved leadership because of his age, wealth, general intelligence and prestige. Others stated that the caciques were actually the old principales bereft of formal power. The truth seems to be that the terms principal and cacique were used interchangeably in a situation in which the old principales no longer functioned as a body. Thus, in San Juan the term cacique embraces former principales, persons who had formerly achieved high positions in the civil hierarchy, current leaders of cofradías, and persons generally influencial in the rural aldeas.

23 Reconciliación Democrática Nacional (Redención) and Movimiento Democrático Nationalista.

24 El Impartial, September 18, 1962.