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Dangerous Merchandise: Smuggling, Jacobitism, and Commercial Culture in Southeast England, 1690–1760

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 January 2014

Paul Monod
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Extract

For historians, as for revenue officers, the bold English smuggler of the eighteenth century has been an elusive figure. His motives, the structure of his business, and his relationship to broader social and economic trends, remain far from clear. This is partly because the sources for histories of smuggling are fragmentary and obscure, but it also reflects the inadequacies of proposed interpretations. The early chroniclers of the smuggling trade represented it as an assertion of popular rights, bravely, if at times violently, defended against the agents of an intrusive government. This somewhat romantic view has recently been reformulated by Cal Winslow, who has depicted southcoast tea smuggling in the 1740s as a “social crime,” sanctioned by the laboring classes but condemned by those in authority. Conversely, economic historians have written of smuggling as a “big business” that accounted for one-third of English trade with France and Holland and had an effect both on the level of prices and the distribution of goods. The tea smuggler, as Hoh-cheung Mui and Lorna Mui have noted, “was indeed an important complement to his legal counterpart and as such contributed to the commercial expansion of the kingdom.” He “became a virtual pioneer in developing trade facilities,” especially in remote areas, and helped to expand the market for luxury commodities like brandy and tea by undercutting the prices of the great merchants and established companies.

Type
Research Article
Information
Journal of British Studies , Volume 30 , Issue 2 , April 1991 , pp. 150 - 182
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference of British Studies 1991

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102 Two ships were built for the pirates on the Thames dockyards; one of them, the curiously named Revolution, was seized at Genoa in 1722 while carrying Spanish troops to support the Atterbury Plot. See Furber, Holden, Bombay Presidency in the Mideighteenth Century (New York, 1965), pp. 12–16Google Scholar; HMC, Stuart, 3:160, 7:196–97, 362–63Google Scholar; The Whole Proceedings (n. 71 above), appendix, pp. 24–38. In 1718, the West Indian pirates proclaimed the Pretender in the Bahamas; HMC, Stuart, 6:213–15Google Scholar.

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107 See Murphy (n. 95 above), chaps. 9–12, 14. Cantillon's clients included many Whigs, like Henry Furnese and Sir Randolph Knipe; see ibid., pp. 142, 196–98. It is interesting that both Knipe, and Henry Furnese's father took part in smuggling. See HMC, Downshire (n. 29 above), 1Google Scholar, pt. 1:484; Ramsay, , “Smuggler's Trade” (n. 3 above), pp. 133–44Google Scholar.

108 Sedgwick. ed., 2:326–27.

109 Sedgwick, ed., 1:597; HMC, Stuart, 2:59Google Scholar; Flinn, M. W., Men of Iron: The Crowleys in the Early Iron Industry (Edinburgh, 1962), pp. 67–68, 70, 107Google Scholar; Ashton, T. S., Iron and Steel in the Industrial Revolution (Manchester, 1963), pp. 110–13Google Scholar. The Ostenders may have been assisted by Sir Henry Johnson, a Blackwall shipbuilder and client of the Crowleys. For his Jacobitism, see Manchester, , Court and Society (n. 46 above), 2:113–14Google Scholar; Sedgwick, ed., 2:180.

110 Lewis, W. S., ed., The Yale Edition of Horace Walpole's Correspondence, 41 vols. (New Haven, Conn., 1937–1984), vol. 20Google Scholar, Correspondence with Horace Mann, 4:261Google Scholar, n. 32; CJ, 25:105–8; BL, Add. MS 33,050, fol. 199; RA, Stuart Papers 394/160 also refers to Blakiston's Jacobitism.

111 Beaven, Cruickshanks, Political Untouchables (n. 11 above), p. 143Google Scholar; CJ, 25:106–7; Alfred, , The Aldermen of the City of London Temp. Henry III–1912, 2 vols. (London, 1908–1912), 1:132Google Scholar.

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116 Gentleman's Magazine 17 (March 1747): 150Google Scholar; Paton, Henry, ed., The Lyon in Mourning, Publications of the Scottish Historical Society 20–22, 3 vols. (Edinburgh, 1895–1896), 3:282–83Google Scholar.

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118 Greaves, R. W., “A Scheme for the Counties,” English Historical Review 48 (1933): 630–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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120 West Sussex RO, Goodwood MS 51/F 72; Rogers, , “Aristocratic Clientage,” p. 95Google Scholar.

121 Colley, , In Defiance of Oligarchy (n. 15 above), p. 165Google Scholar; HMC, Stuart, 2:271Google Scholar; CJ, 25:105.

122 Rogers, , “Aristocratic Clientage,” pp. 76–78, 103Google Scholar; [Griffiths, Ralph], Ascanius; or, The young Adventurer (London, 1749)Google Scholar; PRO, SP 36/93, fols. 65–67.

123 A Free Apology In Behalf of the Smugglers, So far as their Case affects the Constitution. By an Enemy to all Oppression, whether by Tyranny, or Law (London, 1749), p. 5Google Scholar.

124 True Briton 2, no. 1 (June 26, 1751)Google Scholar, nos. 6–16 (July 31–October 9, 1751); 4, no. 8 (October 11, 1752): 178–83. BL, Add. MS 28,237 contains letters to Caryll from the editor of the journal. One avid reader (fol. 16) was Sir George Oglander, who owned many of the best smuggling beaches on the Isle of Wight; VCH, Hampshire, 5:159, 161, 163–66, 183, 191, 238Google Scholar.

125 BL, Add. MS 28,235, fols. 316, 402. James Murray, an army officer stationed at Hastings, married the daughter of the surveyor general of riding officers in Kent. Crake, V. W., “The Correspondence of John Collier, Five Times Mayor of Hastings, and His Connection with the Pelham Family,” Sussex Archaeological Collections 45 (1902): 91–93Google Scholar; Sayer, Charles Lane, ed., Correspondence of Mr. John Collier (Deceased) and His Family, 1716–1780, 2 vols. (London, 1907)Google Scholar, passim.

126 BL, Add. MSS 28,231, fol. 170, 28,249, fols. 310–81, 396.

127 Victoria and Albert Museum , Rococo: Art and Design in Hogarth's England, museum catalog (London, 1984)Google Scholar, esp. secs. C, D. and F; PRO, SP 36/111, fols. 165–76, 36/116. fols. 21, 23, 25, 36/117, fol. 316; Atherton, Herbert M., Political Prints in the Age of Hogarth (Oxford, 1974), pp. 76–78Google Scholar. Several rare pieces of imported Chinese porcelain bearing Jacobite designs were copied from Bickham's prints; they may have been smuggled from the Continent. See Le Corbeiller, Clare, China Trade Porcelain: Patterns of Exchange (New York, 1974), pp. 94–95Google Scholar.

128 A Familiar Instructive Dialogue, Which happened last Week at a Tavern near the Royal Exchange (London, 1748)Google Scholar. Like the M.P. in the pamphlet, John Caryll waited on Prince Charles Edward at Dunkirk in 1745; BL, Add. MS 28, 230, fols. 245–47.

129 See Brewer, John, “Commercialization and Politics,” in McKendrick, Brewer and Plumb, , eds. (n. 7 above), pp. 197–262Google Scholar.

130 For the development of these attitudes, see Wilson, Kathleen, “Empire, Trade and Popular Politics in Mid-Hanoverian Britain: The Case of Admiral Vernon,” Past and Present, no. 121 (1988), pp. 74–109Google Scholar.

131 For the state's contribution to commercial growth, see Brewer, John, The Sinews of Power: War, Money and the English State, 1688–1783 (New York, 1989)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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