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The Toryness of English Conservatism

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 January 2017

Harvey Glickman
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Extract

It has often been observed that the agreement underlying British politics today extends beyond the constitution to issues of public policy. To the historic consensus on “the rules of the game” the British have added a stalemate on “the welfare state.” Common sense dictates that electoral demands have shaped the terms of political debate, so that the Conservatives, whose interests obviously are served by lower taxation and less government interference in the affairs of business, have had to bow to the pressures for collectivism built up during World War II and institutionalized by five years of rule under a Labour Government. By the same token the Labour Party has had to re-evaluate its policies of government direction and control of social and economic affairs in the face of decided satisfaction recently with the Conservative operation of the welfare machinery.

Sole emphasis on electioneering, however, can overlook simultaneous and related developments on the ideological plane. For the community this can be observed in the gradual acceptance of Keynesian economics. The fact that government action can achieve and maintain full employment helped broaden and define the area of effective policy for both parties in Britain. More important for our purposes here is the inherent collectivism of British Conservatism — its “Toryness” — which permitted its adaptation to modern welfare policy and helped build the framework for that policy in the in ter-war years. It is my contention that British Conservatism exhibits its doctrinal element through its Tory tradition and that it is this tradition of the organic society, paternalism and authority, that served to interpret the demands of Conservative interests. The Tory tradition helps explain not only the collectivist similarity of the two main parties, it also contributes to an understanding of the endurance of Conservatism.

Type
Research Article
Information
Journal of British Studies , Volume 1 , Issue 1 , November 1961 , pp. 111 - 143
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference of British Studies 1961

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References

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15. The labels serve to indicate that the classic left-right distinction does not apply. Three reasons used to underlie the distinction: degree of militancy, substance of policy, i.e., how liberal it was, and proximity to the opposition. None are meaningful in the Conservative case. For one thing, progressive and reactionary groups have both been militant to the point of mutinous in the party. Secondly, opportunism tends to obliterate substantive differences after a short time. The Conservative emphasis on leadership also tends to shift differences to the plane of personality — to the detriment of debate over policy. Finally, propinquity to the opposition party serves to distinguish only if we regard the opposition as the side of permanent reform. Must we, however, characterize all Conservative action as retrenchment? Disraeli's “policy of sewage” and Neville Chamberlain's sponsorship of economic centralization cannot be fitted into this category very conveniently. Perhaps we may speak of advance and defensive groups in the Conservative party on particular issues, but this is probably as far as the left-right separation will go in explaining the positions.

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79. From his speech to the meeting in the Carlton Club, October 19, 1922, quoted in Blake, , Unknown Prime Minister, p. 457 Google Scholar.

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