The first emergence of modern Chinese nationalism is usually placed in the A period just after China's defeat by Japan in the Sino-Japanese War of 1894–1895. It was in 1895 that the youthful Sun Yat-sen made his initial revolutionary attempt to destroy the Manchu house. In the same year the nationalist-minded interpreter of Western political and social thought, Yen Fu, published a series of important essays which brought him for the first time before the public eye. Something of the spirit of the gathering tide of nationalism could be seen in the forceful editorials of Wang K'ang-nien (1860–1911) in Shih-wu pao (“The Chinese Progress”), a newspaper which he founded in August 1896 with Liang Chʻi-chʻao as chief editor. In one of his editorials (1896) Wang listed the components of China's national sovereignty that had been whittled away by the West and implored his countrymen to view this as the common shame of China's four hundred millions, rather than the shame of one or two persons alone. Wang struck a similar chord in another piece in which he argued that since the interests of all members of society were linked together, people should look upon the whole of society as one family and identify the common interest as their own.

Lack of agreement on basic definitions has often bedeviled the anthropological study of Indian society. A case in point is “caste,” which has enjoyed almost as many definitions as there are students involved in its study. This multiplicity undoubtedly promotes a broadened investigation of caste phenomena, and thus ultimately increases our knowledge. But it also leads to the danger that competing definitions will masquerade as factual explanations, or that theoretically valid distinctions are lost in the rhetoric of definitional arguments. Especially in studies of the breakdown and reconstitution of caste institutions, the absence of a firm, explicit definitional base impedes evaluation of the nature, direction, and novelty of social structural change.

The Osaka Conference of January 1875 usually receives rather scant attention in political histories of modern Japan. To some extent this is justified, since of the two important results of the Conference, Itagaki's reconciliation with the government proved shortlived, and the establishment of a new legislature, the Genrōin, did not greatly affect either the existing conduct of government business or the future direction of constitutional progress. However, the Osaka Conference was a critical event, despite its seemingly disappointing results.

In recent years, Taiwan's rapid economic growth and agricultural improvement have drawn increasing public and academic attention in the Western world. Taiwan is often referred to as a country demonstrating that economic progress can be achieved if domestic resources are effectively mobilized and outside assistance is efficiently utilized1 Several recent studies attempt to analyze one or more aspects of Taiwan's past, present and future development. The objective of the present paper is to examine one aspect of the agricultural sector, namely, the increase of agricultural output during the period 1953–1964. Emphases are given to its record and contributing factors.

In China, as among many of the African and Asian peoples, early nationalism was almost the monopoly of the urban, educated elite. It was nurtured on anti-imperialist sentiment and was brought to maturity by a knowledge of Western civilization rather than a mastery of Chinese tradition. It was often closely associated with the revolt of youth against their fathers, with the younger generation seeking a more rapid modernization than the older generation. Little wonder, then, that student movements punctuate the definition of nationalism and provide exclamation points in its expression.

The conflict between the theory of art for art's sake and the theory of purposive art is not of recent origin. In modern times however the Soviet Union has made a comprehensive experiment with the theory of purposive art, subordinating all artistic endeavors to socialist realism and partiinost—the party spirit. This experiment began when the Central Committee of the Soviet Communist Party passed a resolution on April 23, 1932 creating a single Union of Soviet Writers (actually organized in 1934) and inviting the authors to join this Union while adhering to the doctrine of socialist realism in literature. Western literary critics have maintained that while the appreciable part of literature produced during the last thirty-five years “possesses artistic qualities of high worth” in its postwar development Soviet literature in general has simply become a “perfect propaganda instrument.”

Most research into modern Indian economic and social history has so far been carried out in such large and well organized research centers as the National Archives in Delhi, the National Library in Calcutta, and the India Office Library in London. These institutions are justly renowned for their vast collections of manuscripts and books on all aspects of Indian history. So extensive in fact are their holdings that one could easily spend an entire lifetime working happily in any one of them. And their attractiveness is no doubt further enhanced by the convenient location of all these institutions in large metropolitan centers, where students and teachers alike congregate in large numbers.