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Rural Control in Nineteenth Century China
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 23 March 2011
Extract
Arthur Henderson Smith, writing near the end of the previous century, characterized the Chinese village organization as “the self-government of the small communities” and asserted that “the management of the village was in the hands of the people themselves.” His enthusiasm was shared in varying degrees by other writers, both native and foreign. For good reasons, however, this encouraging view is no longer supported by students of Chinese society. Among other shortcomings, it ignored the existence of a considerable number of tiny villages, especially in north China, and the fact that the inhabitants of such villages were usually too impoverished to be able to afford organization.
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References
1 Village Life in China (New York and Chicago, 1899), p. 226Google Scholar.
2 E.g., Morse, Hosea Ballou, The Trade and Administration of China (London and New York, 1913), p. 59Google Scholar; Liang, Y. K. and Tao, L. K., Village and Town Life in China (London, 1915), pp. 5–6Google Scholar; and Mukerjee, Radhakamal, Democracies of the East (London, 1923), pp. 181–182Google Scholar.
3 E.g., Brugess, James S., The Guilds of Peking (New York, 1928), p. 27Google Scholar; Yang, Martin C., A Chinese Village (New York, 1945), p. 241Google Scholar; and Tuan-sheng, Ch'ien, The Government and Politics of China (Cambridge, 1950), p. 45Google Scholar.
4 Villages with less than ten households each were common in north China. See e.g., 1850 edition of Ting-chou chih, chuan 6 and 7, passim. Major Mark S. Bell's China (1884) contains descriptions of villages in northeast China, some of which were exceedingly small. For instance, vol. i, p. 123” “Tsz-ts'un: ten houses, where there is a small pond of brackish water…. Very scant cultivation near the village. 12½ miles—a village of three houses ¼ mile to the north. 13½ miles—Ma-ying: a village of twenty-five houses….”
5 Martin C. Yang, op. cit., pp. 173–189, gives a useful analysis of village leadership, which, with some modifications, applies quite well to nineteenth century conditions.
6 Mossman, Samuel, China (London, 1867), p. 278Google Scholar, made diis interesting observation: “The sway of the emperor is more a spiritual than physical despotism, and his government is enforced by a system of universal surveillance over his officials and a system of universal mutual responsibility divided between them and the people…. Thus what is ostensibly a paternal government ruling its subjects through filial affection is in reality a tyrannical administration that maintains its power by fear and distrust.”
7 The most extensive treatment of the Pao-chia is Chūn-t'ien's, WenChung-kuo paochia chih-tu (Shanghai, 1935)Google Scholar. Regrettably it is marred by some important confusions.
8 From the Ta Ch'ing lū li, translated by Jamieson, George, China Review vol. viii (1880), pp. 259–260Google Scholar.
9 A government order of K'ang-hsi 47 (1708), recorded in Ch'ing-ch'ao wen-hsien t'ung-k'ao (Commercial Press ed., Shanghai, 1936; hereafter CCWHTK), 22/5051Google Scholar.
10 Legge, James compared it to the English tithing system of King Alfred's time. China Review, vol. vi (1878), pp. 368–369Google Scholar.
11 Strictly speaking, the Li-chia was a system for facilitating the collection of corvee imposts. It was however bound up in practice with the collection of the grain or land taxes. For official regulations, see Ta Ch'ing hui-tien shih-li (1908 edition, hereafter TCHTSL), 257/la; Hu-pu tse-li (1791 edition), chuan 1, 3, 7 and 13, passim; and CCWHTK, 19/5024.
12 Lien-tching, Lu, Les greniers publics de prevoyance sous la dynastie des Ts'ing (Paris, 1932)Google Scholar, gives a full but somewhat over-optimistic account of the granaries.
13 These maxims (TCHTSL, 397/la) may be translated as follows:
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1. Perform filial duties to your parents.
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2. Honor and respect your elders and superiors.
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3. Maintain harmonious relationships with your neighbors.
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4. Instruct and discipline your sons and grandsons.
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5. Let each work peacefully for his own livelihood.
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6. Do not commit wrongful deeds.
14 The basic ideas of this Hortatory Edict were later elaborated by the K'ang-hsi emperor in 1670 in his famous Shen Yü, “the Sacred Edict,” which contained sixteen maxims. The Yung-cheng emperor wrote in 1724 the Sbeng Yü Kuang-hsün, “the Amplified Instructions on the Sacred Edict,” a document of about 10,000 words.
An English translation of the Sacred Edict was made, together with a partial translation of the Amplified Instructions (first nine essays), by Staunton, Sir George T. in 1812, in his Miscellaneous Notices Relating to China (London, 1822), pp. 1–56Google Scholar. Legge, James translated and explained at length the Sacred Edict in his four lectures on “Imperial Confucianism,” China Review, vol. vi (1877–1878), pp. 147–158, 299–310 and 363–374Google Scholar. A few other translations in English are available.
15 These included the nomination of Lao-min, “Elderly Subjects,” and Lao-nung, “Elderly Farmers”; dispensing gifts to aged men and women; conferring titles, ranks or other distinctions on old men; and inviting them to special imperial banquets. For regulations governing these practices, see TCHTSL., chuan 405, passim. The China Review, vol. ix (1840), pp. 258–267Google Scholar, described one of these imperial banquets.
16 Namely, the Hsiang yin-chiu (literally, “rural wine-drinking) which was first instituted in the Ch'ing dynasty in 1644. See TCHTSL., 30/4a.
17 Id., 396/la and Hsueh-cheng ch'uan-shu (1810 edition), 64/laGoogle Scholar.
It may be noted that the Ch'ing govemment attempted also religious control through a system of local sacrifices, officially established or encouraged. In particular, the worship of deities or spirits who were supposed to have the power of protecting or benefiting human beings, gave a subtle hint to the masses that the government was so concerned with their well being that it joined them in invoking divine aid, and that whatever misfortunes befalling them were beyond human dispensation. See TCHTSL., chuan 427–454 passim.
18 A. D. Barrett, “Notes on Local Government in Szechwan,” mimeograph, 1948.
19 Williams, Mrs. E. T., “Some Popular Religious Literature of the Chinese,” Journal of Royal Asiatic Society. North China Branch, n.s., vol. xxxiii (1899–1900), pp. 25–26Google Scholar.
20 According to Hung Liang-chi (1746–1809), corruption of local officials became general since the closing decades of the eighteenth century. See an essay on magistrates, quoted by Tai Ch'ao-ch'en, Hsüeh-shih lu, 1 l/20a-b.
For local bullies that plagued the countryside, see Ch'en Hung-mou, P'ei-yüan T'ang Ou-ts'un kao, 21/9a-10b; Ch'ang-ling, Ho (1785–1848) Nai-an kung-tu ts'un-kao, 3/14aGoogle Scholar; and 1878 edition of Kuang-cbou Fu cbih, 108/20b.
21 For some of the facts and official views, see CCWHTK., chuan 1–5 and 10–16, passim.
22 See e.g., The Eastern Miscellany, vol. xxxi, No. 14, pp. 221–228, and Research Staff, Institute of Pacific Relations, Agrarian China (London, 1938), pp. 168–170Google Scholar.
23 Hu-pu tse-li. chuan 28–32 and 110–113.
24 A brief study of natural calamities was made by fu Wen-hui in the Quarterly Review of the Sun Yat-sen Institute, vol. iv. No. 1, pp. 43–59.
25 Cressy, George B., China's Geographical Foundations (New York and London, 1934), p. 90Google Scholar.
26 See e.g., Meadows, Thomas T., Desultory Notes on the Government and People of China (London, 1847), p. 168Google Scholar. Fielde, Adele Marion, A Comer of Cathay (London, 1894), pp. 121–124Google Scholar, gives a vivid description of some of the evil ways of yamen underlings.
27 Nung-shan, Hsüeh, Chung-kuo nung-min chan-cheng chih shih-ti yen-chiu (Shanghai, 1935), collected many instances of peasant uprisingsGoogle Scholar.
28 The compiler of the Huai-an Fu chih (1884 edition), 29/69b, made these remarks with reference to the Nien uprising: “When the bandits first rose, they comprised not more than several tens of ignorant and brutish fellows. But when more and more persons were coerced into joining them, they included many individuals of notable courage and ability. And when some shameless gentry men and titled scholars were found among diem, their forces were brought under rigid discipline and clear regulations, and they moved with speed as well as with plenty of cunning tactics.”
It hardly needs pointing out that the T'ai-p'ings enjoyed an even more effective leadership.
29 Thomas T. Meadows, Desultory Notes, pp. 172–174; Davis, Sir John F., China during the War and since the Peace (London, 1852), vol. ii, pp. 189–196Google Scholar; and Holcombe, Chester, The Real Chinaman (New York, 1895), pp. 234–236Google Scholar, gave instances observed in the nineteenth century. Also Kuei-fen, Feng (1809–1874), Hsien-chih T'ang KaoGoogle Scholar. 4/36a-b and Ling-shan Hsien Chih (1914 edition), 8/103b.
30 Meadows, T. T., The Chinese and Their Rebellions (London, 1856), p. 24Google Scholar: “The Chinese people have no right of legislation, they have no right of self-taxation, they have not the power of voting out their rulers or of limiting or stopping supplies. They have dierefore the right of rebellion.”
31 T. T. Meadows, Desultory Notes, p. 191, offered an explanation by pointing out that the Chinese peasantry “is composed of persons who have either no natural ability, or are too poor to procure an education—persons who, with a moderaœ proportion of talented and educated leaders, would, from their number and their desperation, be formidable indeed; but left as they are to themselves, only break out into tumults and insurrections, which like the Jacquerie in France, the insurrection of the common people in the minority of Richard II in England, and those that prevailed during the end of the fifteenth and the first quarter of the sixteenth centuries, are ultimately put down with terrible loss to themselves, after some well-deserved punishments have been inflicted, and some ravages committed by diem at the first outbreak.”
To these examples which Meadows cited we may add the numerous peasant uprisings in Japan during the Tokugawa period. See Borton, Hugh, “Peasant Uprisings in Japan,” Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, 2nd ser., vol. xvi (1938), pp. 1–219Google Scholar.
32 Edkins, Jane R., Chinese Scenes and People (London, 1863). pp. 255–256Google Scholar.
33 The recognition of this fact would, e.g., caution one against accepting without scrutiny the view which regarded the Chinese peasantry as an active factor in rebellions and revolutions. The following observations, one by a Chinese and the other by an American writer, lend some support to this caution.
Yüeh-hwa, Lin, The Golden Wing (London, 1947), p. 199Google Scholar, describing the situation in Hwang village, in Ku-t'ien, Fulden province, after the brief Communist occupation in 1930, said: “In the little world of farms and villages and trading towns, political upheavals affected the lives of the people all too drastically. But they could deflect them only a moment; they could not stop them short of death itself.”
Schwartz, Benjamin I., Chinese Communism and the Rise of Mao (Cambridge, 1951), p. 3Google Scholar: “There can be little doubt that the present Communist leaders in China have risen to power by addresisng themselves to the immediate felt needs of China's peasant millions. To leap, however, from this fact to the conclusion that they are the embodiment of the aspirations of the Chinese people and that they will automatically continue to express the needs and aspirations of the masses is to construct a myth designed to sanction in advance all their future activities.”